a
| Islam and the West | |
| 02 Aug 2008, NewAgeIslam.Com | |
| Muqtada, the Future of Iraq? | |
|
By Robert S. Eshelman, In These Times. Posted July 29, 2008.
Veteran Iraq reporter Patrick Cockburn presents a historical portrait of the man leading the only true mass political movement in Iraq.
"Firebrand." It was the ubiquitous moniker used to describe Iraq's fiercely anti-American Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr when, in March 2004, his leering portrait became commonplace among American media reports of Iraq.
American Viceroy L. Paul Bremer III had just shut down al-Sadr's Baghdad newspaper, al-Hawza, and hinted at arresting him, ushering in the first of several confrontations with al-Sadr and his Mehdi Army.
More recently, this label has given way to that of "Iranian-backed" -- conjuring comparisons to Lebanon's Hezbollah and Palestine's besieged Hamas party.
In both cases, these depictions serve to portray al-Sadr as an irrational, extremist proxy, who, to a great degree, has contributed to Iraq's instability and continues to be a major obstacle to peace in Iraq, if not across the Middle East.
But as Patrick Cockburn, the Iraq correspondent for The Independent of London, argues convincingly in Muqtada: Muqtada al-Sadr, the Shia Revival and the Struggle for Iraq (Scribner, May 2008), such representations overlook the causes of al-Sadr's rise to political prominence. More importantly, they grossly misrepresent his unique blend of Shiite religious doctrine and Iraqi nationalism, as well as the fact that he leads the only truly mass political movement in Iraq.
"Part of the mystery concerning Muqtada has its origin in simple ignorance," writes Cockburn. Muqtada's emergence as a central figure in Iraq, he continues, is surprising only if one is unfamiliar with "the bloody and dramatic story of resistance to Saddam Hussein by Iraqi Shia as a whole and the al-Sadr family in particular."
Over the first several chapters of Muqtada, Cockburn traces this largely untold, and, indeed, bloody chronicle.
At the heart of Muqtada's backstory are his father-in-law -- Mohammad Baqir al-Sadr -- and his father -- Mohammed Sadiq al-Sadr. Both attained the honorific of Grand Ayatollah and were killed by Saddam's regime. Baqir was executed in 1980 and Sadiq was assassinated in 1999, along with two of Muqtada's brothers.
These two figures -- who remain highly revered by Iraqi Shiite today -- bequeathed Muqtada a bounty of religious and political legitimacy upon becoming the leader of the Sadrist movement.
Bound up with the Sadr family biography is an intricate history of modern Iraq: intra-Shiite rivalries; the brutal Iran-Iraq war in the '80s; the collapse of secular, Iraqi nationalism under Saddam; and the failed Shiite uprising of 1991.
Cockburn, who has been reporting from Iraq since 1977, nimbly weaves together these developments, which are essential to understanding contemporary Iraqi politics, without ever straying far from his central object of inquiry -- Muqtada's ascension to political significance.
American dailies churn out stories of a centralized, albeit struggling, political system -- where power emanates from the American Embassy, the military and, nominally, from Iraqi governmental institutions. But Cockburn's articles convey a more complicated, troubling view of the dysfunctional occupation, and expose the deep wounds of Iraq's sectarian bloodletting. (His previous book on Iraq, The Occupation, was short-listed for a National Book Critics Circle award in 2007.)
Following the U.S. invasion, Muqtada's keen political and military sensibilities allowed him to step into a central position on the political landscape. During the spring and summer of 2004, he and his Mehdi Army faced down American forces in Najaf and the Sadr City neighbourhood of Baghdad, taking heavy losses. Since then, his army has developed from rag-tag groups of irregulars into a more coherent and capable, although not yet highly organized, fighting force.
During that time, Muqtada skillfully played his hand vis-à-vis the United States and the interim Iraqi government. He sometimes took forceful stands while at other times made tactical retreats. At the dawn of Iraq's 2005 elections, he entered the electoral realm, when large political gains where almost certain.
Muqtada does not appear as a principal character in Cockburn's book until the ninth chapter, roughly halfway through, and is rarely quoted directly, not to mention interviewed at length. This may seem odd at first but is, in fact, what makes this book so strikingly relevant.
Like his backstory of the Iraqi Shiite and the Sadr family, Cockburn shows that Muqtada's rise has as much, perhaps more, to do with the setting -- American military and political blunders, sectarian conflict, and intra-Shiite politics -- than it does with any of Muqtada's particular attributes, however crucial those might be.
In a similar vein, Cockburn steers clear of exoticizing Iraq's Shiites, though he does not hesitate to acknowledge the role that faith plays in mobilizing them into action. He recalls how, after the fall of Saddam, millions of Shiites embarked on a mass pilgrimage to Kerbala for the first time in decades. A few months later, these millions again heeded the call of their religious hierarchy and took to the streets of Baghdad, demanding free elections.
Cockburn also takes up Sadr's difficult-to-pin-down links to sectarian violence and his supposed ties to Iran, both of which are often overblown but in need of inquiry.
"Muqtada al-Sadr is the most important and surprising figure to emerge in Iraq since the U.S. invasion," writes Cockburn. "He is the Messianic leader of the religious and political movement of the impoverished Shia underclass whose lives were ruined by a quarter century of war, repression and sanctions."
Having toppled Saddam from power in spring 2003, the United States was taken completely by surprise by Muqtada's power and influence.
"Had [Muqtada] been part of the political process from the beginning," Cockburn writes, "the chances of creating a peaceful, prosperous Iraq would have been greater."
Cockburn reveals by twists and turns Muqtada's emergence on the political scene and his deftness in building his political movement.
Based on decades of reportage and peppered with interviews with Mehdi fighters, Sadrist insiders and others close to, or knowledgeable of, Muqtada and the Sadrist movement, Cockburn delivers an important book on the post-invasion period.
With provincial elections in Iraq slated to occur later this year and Iraqi President Nouri al-Maliki's government clamping down on Sadrist forces in Baghdad and in the Shiite south, Cockburn's Muqtada serves as a necessary guidebook for interpreting the turbulent course that Iraqi politics has taken over the past several years -- and where it is likely to go next.
Robert Eshelman's articles have appeared in The Brooklyn Rail, In These Times and The Nation. http://www.alternet.org/waroniraq/93173/muqtada%2C_the_future_of_iraq/?page=entire |
Islam,Terrorism and Jihad 02 Aug 2008, NewAgeIslam.Com THE RIGHT VIEW: This war involves us all
By Tarun Vijay
Posted: 01 Aug 2008
Rahul's Shashikala has got the headlines and her share of glory. Now is the time to focus on India. Beyond party lines and boundaries. He is young, charming and holds a position that makes a mark wherever he goes. Why can't he take up the fight against terror, which is bleeding India? If L K Advani can go to Sonia for a book presentation and still remain in the party, why can't Sonia come to Advani for a collective fight against terrorism? Is India smaller than the personal and political egos and fortunes?
When the ISI or HuJI or Lashkar were planning attacks on Indians, we were counting notes in sacks and fighting each other. Isn't it time to at least have Sonia, Advani, Rajnath, Manmohan, Mulayam and Mayawati along with Jayalalithaa and Karunanidhi to put their heads together and strategize a time-bound "eliminate terror" programme? For power sharing they come together – sworn enemies of yesterday become born twins on political platforms. To liberate India from the dreaded scourge of jihad and all other kinds of terror we feel shy and instead keep ourselves busy in attacking each other, facilitating the country's enemies.
We are Indians first and stop blaming mussalmans and others for terror. I have a large number of Muslim friends and I know Muslim society in India is uniquely different and as patriotic as any other Indian. And they don't need any certificate from any one. But at the same time we must not hesitate to recognize that terrorism in India is pronounced essentially Islamic in its character and the aim is to have a so called Nizam-e-Mustafa wreaking revenge against Hindus. The Deoband's denouncement of terror is not enough. Their dictates must show an impact on Islamic terror outfits, otherwise its papers and faxes would remain nothing more than a crude PR exercise. It's the bounden duty of Muslim leaders to make it sure and visible that those involved in jihadi barbaric attacks are condemned as un-Islamic and are practically declared non-Muslims like they have done with regard to many others in the past.
A nation's collective will is the biggest weapon against fissiparous tendencies. The US and China have shown that. They too faced Islamic terror, but handled it with a resolve that got united support by the people and all shades of political colours. Indians can fight each other on a hundred issues of political programming or power grab. But on the question of our sovereignty and security we must stand united, as one – and it must be visible too. After all, where would all these leaders take their money and enjoy it if India doesn't survive? Even to enjoy the loot they must have a station to leisure and be free of threats. To say this is too rude and crude, yet, seeing the Jaipur, Bangalore and Ahmadabad blasts, what can a citizen pray for? Security and a collective will to converge on national interest.
And for God's sake if you can't remove this home minister, appoint another capable minister for internal security with independent charge. It serves the interests of the UPA and Congress too. He is just incapable of holding that crucial position. It's against national interest to keep such a non-performing person in North Block who becomes a source of demoralisation and incompetence to security agencies and law enforcers.
Intelligence must be strengthened and the present colonial structure of intelligence gathering has to be completely overhauled with a structure on the patterns of the FBI. Gujarat's new law on terror is awaiting the Centre's nod for the last four years. Why? Is tackling terror a partisan matter?
Israel is willing to help and now that the burden of the Left is removed, the govt must begin a long-term association with Israel to restructure our intelligence network against Pakistan and their hired goons masquerading as Islamists and befriending gullible locals to provide them basic support and shelter.
The terrorist can't work in a vacuum. Hence the police and security network must ruthlessly deal with the local bases of the terror outfits without caring for the human rightists or the defeatist seculars lobbying for the terrorists. Like Punjab in Gill's time, a group of daredevil police and army officers must be assigned to handle terrorism and given an autonomous status with powers to strike independently without awaiting a nod from the political masters. Let them tackle terror and leaders of all parties and ideologies can do the mass awakening campaign – instilling confidence in the general public and making them an active instrument in helping security forces to crack on terror network.
Let's forget every other matter, temple or Setu or masjid or Church. Convergence to remove terror network should be our foremost offering to the gods and that should be our religious agenda too. If Muslims believe that Prophet Mohammad fought against injustice and against the forces of dark evils, let all those who follow Mohammad's teaching come together to defeat inhuman cowards killing Indians in the name of some jihad. This may prove to be the biggest opportunity for a genuine Hindu-Muslim solidarity and can be followed with greater ideas. Being a Hindu I can request all the priests and Mahants and spiritual leaders who go to different parts of the globe for world peace and human happiness, to include in their puja "eliminate terror" preachings and make their followers a part of the terror-busting programme. This is the greatest yoga – call it Rashtra Yoga, yoga of the nation.
If there is a war in our courtyard we do not go to temples worshipping deities as the biggest deity is our nation and her people. Jihad is a Kargil in our precincts. Let the ashrams and the other high-class facilities for nirvana be converged on rousing the morale of the faithful against demons and Ravanas of today.
Vijaya Dashmi is not far – and let this year's festival be celebrated together with all communities coming to show solidarity with the Indian people rising above religious boundaries to kill the demon of darkness. We are all descendants of Guru Gobind Singh and Shivaji and have produced Rani Laxmi Bai and Bahadur Shah Zafar and Begum Hazrat Mahal and Abdul Hameed. It's the power of togetherness that wins a nation ultimately.
It's time that cricketers and film actors join hands to create a national mood of solidarity. They owe it to their motherland. They are born Indians and have not come here just to make money and earn fame from some other planet. Once an Amitabh, a Shah Rukh, an Aamir, John and Sachin share a dais and say no to communal, divisive elements and urge all Indians to merge their divergences in one Tricolour, it will have a tremendous impact on the nation's confidence and all governments will get a big power push to act decisively.
When people are dying like cattle, it's disgusting to see media houses deeply engaged in thumka jhumka vulgarity and issues that do not represent the nation facing a terror war. They know we can win it, finally and without losing time. But the atmosphere has to be created for that and who can do it better than the media? Indian media has proved it wonderfully during Kargil; it's no different now.
If this terrorism has been exported to our land, we have a responsibility to bury it finally with our hands. Victory shall be ours, without doubt. Let the Spirit de India rise and strike.
Is it all daydreaming? A naive, emotional outburst expecting unachievable goals? Doesn't India belong to us all?
(The author is the director of Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee Research Foundation, a think tank of Hindu nationalist school of thought.)
--
Asadullah Syed
8:50 AM
Sultan Shahin
0 comments:
Post a Comment