How Muslim Organisations Misinterpret Quranic Precepts

By V.A. Mohamad Ashrof, New Age Islam 3 September 2025 The Quran stands as a guiding revelation for humanity, emphasising justice, compassion, equality, freedom of conscience, and rational engagement. Yet, many Muslim organisations today present the Quran through the prism of puritanism, patriarchal tradition, and sectarian exclusivism, rather than its liberative and universal message. The phenomenon is not monolithic; rather, it manifests differently across major groups. For analytical clarity, the Muslim landscape in South Asia and beyond can be divided into five dominant trends of organisations: Barelvis, Wahhabi Salafis, Deobandis and JUH, Political Islamists, and Extremist formations. Each group claims authenticity through adherence to the “salaf” (the first three centuries), but in reality, each distorts Quranic precepts to serve power, control, or cultural domination. This paper explores their basic characteristics, modes of Quranic presentation, and critically analyses their theological claims from the perspectives of Islamic humanism, progressive Islam, reformed hermeneutics, and Islamic feminism. The Puritan Kaleidoscope: Barelvis, Wahhabi Salafis, and Deobandis The interpretation of the Quran has been a point of contention among various Muslim organisations. This discourse often shapes not only religious practices but also the socio-political landscape of Muslim communities globally. This book examines five major groups within the Muslim community: Barelvis, Wahhabi Salafis, Deobandis, political Islamists, and extremists. Each of these groups presents a unique perspective on Quranic precepts while sharing common characteristics of puritanism, traditionalism, and patriarchal norms. The Barelvi movement, primarily found in the Indian subcontinent, represents a Sunni Hanafi school of thought that emerged in the late 19th century under Ahmad Raza Khan of Bareilly in colonial India. Positioning itself as a defender of traditional Hanafi Sunni Islam, the Barelvi movement is characterised by its strong adherence to the veneration of prophets and saints, celebrating events like the Prophet Muhammad's birthday (Mawlid) with great fervour. Their organisations, such as the Jamaat Raza-e-Mustafa, Dawat-e-Islami, Sunni Dawat-e-Islami, Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Pakistan, Minhaj-ul-Quran (though the latter evolved into a relatively modernist voice), All India Sunni Conference, and various Dargah committees, operate across South Asia and diaspora communities, promoting mass gatherings like urs (saint commemorations) as expressions of Quranic devotion. Doctrinal Character and Quranic Presentation: Grounded in Hanafi Fiqh, Barelvis emphasise Sufi devotional practices, shrine veneration, and intense loyalty to the Prophet Muhammad. Their Quranic interpretation is filtered through mystical symbolism, devotional exaggeration, and saintly authority. They present Quranic precepts through a lens of love and spirituality, interpreting verses on Allah's mercy (e.g., Q.7:156) as justifying intercessory practices at shrines. They staunchly defend traditional customs like visiting shrines (Dargahs) and seeking blessings (Tabarruk), framing them as acts of love sanctioned by the Quran’s command to love God and His Prophet. This often leads to superstitious rituals that overshadow direct monotheism, ultimately preserving cultural folklore as divine precept and diluting the Quran's rational and ethical core. While generally more tolerant of cultural diversity compared to other groups, Barelvis maintain conservative positions on gender roles and social issues, presenting Quranic teachings through the lens of medieval jurisprudence rather than contemporary ethical frameworks. Barelvi organisations stress devotional practice, emotional connection to spiritual leaders, and communal rituals as vehicles for Quranic ethics. They tend to be less confrontational than other groups in their social interactions, often prioritising community harmony and traditional expressions of faith. Their influence persists in Islamic personal law, religious festivals, and minority activism, though their dominance in the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) is contested. Barelvis maintain an aura of spiritual warmth but rarely engage with the rational, ethical, and universalist dimensions of the Quran. While they reject Wahhabi iconoclasm, they still uphold patriarchal readings of scripture, endorsing conservative gender roles and resisting reformist hermeneutics. Their patriarchal structures restrict women's public roles, misaligning with Quranic calls for gender equity in spiritual matters (4:1; 33:35). Ultimately, their traditionalism preserves cultural folklore as divine precept. Wahhabi Salafism, inspired by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab's 18th-century revivalism in Najd, is perhaps the most doctrinaire puritanical movement. They advocate a return to the "pure" Islam of the Salaf (early generations), rejecting innovations (Bid’ah) and emphasising strict Tawhid (monotheism). Their approach to the Quran is rigid literalism, stripped of allegory, context, or historical consciousness (Abou El Fadl, The Great Theft, p.53). Prominent organisations include Ahl-e-Hadith in India, Wisdom Islamic Organisation, Markazi Jamiat Ahl-e-Hadith Hind, and various Salafi Da’wah groups globally sponsored by Saudi petrodollars. Distinct Characteristics of Wahhabi Salafism are: • Internal Firqah: Wahhabi Salafis are fractured by disputes, yet united in their fierce exclusivism and mission to purify Islam of all perceived innovations, leading to intense sectarian clashes (Firqah), particularly with Shias and Sufis whom they frequently declare apostates. Their doctrine of Al-Wala' Wal-Bara' (loyalty to Muslims and disavowal of non-Muslims and innovators) fosters extreme exclusivism, leading to enmity toward Shia Muslims, Sufis, and others deemed deviant (DeLong-Bas, p.101). They often interpret Quranic verses on disbelievers (60:1-9) as mandates for social isolation and hatred, creating internal schisms as seen in their condemnation of Shia practices as polytheistic, distorting the Quran's calls for unity (3:103; 8:73; 8:46; 49:13; 5:48). • Arab Sheikhdom Obedience and Apolitical Nature: Their theology demands blind loyalty to Gulf monarchies, particularly Saudi rulers, rendering them apolitical in domestic affairs while exporting puritanism globally, showing indifference to historical criticism of figures like Muawiyah and Yazid (DeLong-Bas, p.101). This divorces Quranic justice from socio-political realities (4:135). While they loudly police festivals and cultural practices, they remain silent on tyranny, corruption, and human exploitation. Questioning early Islamic figures is seen as undermining the foundations of their faith, thus ignoring the Quran’s critique of arrogance and injustice (28:83). • Wahhabis are notoriously vocal against practices they deem un-Islamic, often causing social disruption during Hindu and Christian festivals, viewing participation as a violation of Tawhid. Historically, their destructive zeal was exemplified by the Taliban's demolition of the Bamiyan Buddhas. Cultural and Legal Stances: • Prohibitions and Restrictions: Wahhabis prohibit various forms of art, music, and cultural activities like Zumba dance, deeming them impermissible. Their interpretations significantly restrict women's roles, opposing women's leadership and guardianship, and supporting practices like child marriage, female genital mutilation (FGM), unbridled polygamy, death penalties for adultery, apostasy and blasphemy laws, and Hudood ordinances that halve female testimony—practices they justify via selective hadith, misrepresenting Quranic mercy and equity (e.g., 4:135; 9:71 refutes their stance). • Superstition and Ritual: Paradoxically, despite their emphasis on puritanism, some Wahhabi circles also engage in and promote superstitious practices like black magic, belief in the evil eye, and Jinn treatment, often presenting these as legitimate Islamic remedies based on specific scriptural interpretations. This sharply contradicts Quranic rationality (10:100; 17:36; 72:1-15). Their Quranic hermeneutic is thus an arsenal for control, negating the liberative, rational, and ethical compass of revelation, which is clearly emphasised in the Quran itself (3:7). Deobandis and Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind: Legalist Education and Anti-Intellectualism The Deobandi movement, founded in 1866 at Darul Uloom Deoband, claims loyalty to Hanafi fiqh while maintaining puritanical opposition to both Barelvi “innovations” and Wahhabi literalism. Their organisations include Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind (JUH), founded in 1919, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Pakistan), Majlis-e Dawatul Haq, Payam-e-Insaniyat, and Tablighi Jamaat. They also dominate the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), wielding immense influence over Muslim family law and religious authority in India (Metcalf, p.115–18). Distinct Characteristics: • Ta'alim Kitab Pedagogy and Anti-intellectualism: Their madrasa curriculum, particularly the Ta'alim ul-Islam Kitab, privileges medieval Fiqh manuals and theological polemics over Quranic reflection, creating generations of narrow-minded scholars (Metcalf, p.115–18). This educational framework, while preserving classical Islamic scholarship, often promotes retrogressive interpretations and anti-intellectualism that maligns the Quran's emphasis on knowledge, reasoning, and progress. They resist modern sciences, philosophy, historical criticism, and gender justice, presenting the Quran through outdated frameworks. Contravening Quranic directive, they prohibit intellectual inquiry, critical hermeneutics, and humanist engagements are dismissed as threats to faith (39:18, 96:1–5). • Puritanical Vision: Their portrayal of the Quran reduces divine guidance to rituals, prohibitions, and male dominance, eclipsing the text’s universal ethics of justice, compassion, and knowledge-seeking. This puritanical vision reduces the Quran's rich philosophical and ethical dimensions to rigid legalistic formulations, prioritising medieval jurisprudential opinions over direct Quranic guidance. This approach stifles critical thinking and contextual understanding, presenting Islam as a static system rather than a dynamic guidance for human civilisation. Their resistance to modern educational methods and scientific inquiry contradicts the Quranic injunction to seek knowledge and reflect upon natural phenomena. • AIMPLB Control and Resistance to Reform: As controllers of AIMPLB, Deobandis' dominance enables the enforcement of conservative personal law and resistance to reform. They obstruct reforms in Muslim personal law, especially in matters of Triple Talaq and child marriage, further consolidating their traditionalist approach and often side-lining progressive interpretations of Islamic law that promote justice and equality. Attempts to modernise Islamic society are frequently undermined by Deobandi opposition to pluralism and intellectual contestation. Deobandi Framing of Quranic Authority in Madrasas: Deobandi organisations frame Quranic authority in their madrasas by emphasising a strict, jurisprudential adherence to the Quran, reinforced through the Hanafi school of law, and transmitted via classical scholarship, structured curricula, and the doctrine of Taqlid (following established legal and exegetical authorities). Jurisprudential Primacy and Hanafi Madhab: Deobandi madrasas stress that the Quran is the primary source for all law and religious guidance, but its interpretation must occur within the established boundaries of Hanafi Fiqh. Students engage deeply with Quranic exegesis (Tafsir), but always contextualise it with the classical commentaries and Hanafi legal tradition. This systematic study includes works such as Nur al-Idah, Mukhtasar al-Quduri, Sharh al-Wiqayah, and culminates in a capstone year (Daura-e Hadith) covering all canonical Sunni Hadith collections. Methodological Rigour and Taqlid: Deobandis advocate Taqlid—following qualified scholars in legal matters—to avoid arbitrary or subjective readings of the Quran. Authority in legal interpretation is reserved for recognised mujtahids (jurists), while ordinary Muslims are expected to follow their guidance. Scholarly consensus (Ijma), analogy (Qiyas), and intellectual reasoning (ijtihad) supplement Quranic authority, but are only valid when conducted by approved scholars. This approach is justified through Quranic verses distinguishing between lay followers and those with proper knowledge, such as 16:43 and 4:83. Curricular Transmission: Madrasas offer a structured curriculum: Quranic studies, Hadith, jurisprudence, theology, and (to an extent) rational sciences are taught, but their chief goal is the transmission and protection of "authentic" Islamic knowledge. Education focuses on textual mastery, moral discipline, and replicating the virtues of the founding generations. Modern subjects and intellectual contestation are limited, aiming to insulate students from innovation (Bid’ah) and external secular influences. Authority, Context, and Textual Critique: Deobandi framing resists populist or lay interpretation of Quranic texts, defending scholarly hierarchy and jurisdiction over sacred meanings. Their approach combines transmission of received knowledge (Manqulat) with selective rational inquiry, but always under the senior scholars' authority. Deobandi madrasas, thus, establish Quranic authority through a combination of Hanafi jurisprudence, doctrine of taqlid, rigorous curricula, and protective social ethics, ensuring that the Quran is both supreme and shielded from innovative reinterpretation by unqualified actors. Political Islamists, Extremist Formations Political Islamists, while distinct in their methodologies, share a common thread of prioritising specific ideological or political agendas, often leading to a profound distortion of the Quran’s universal humanitarian message. Political Islam emerged in the 20th century as a response to perceived Western dominance and the decline of Islamic power, with influential figures like Abul A’la Maududi of Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and Hasan al-Banna of the Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan al-Muslimeen). These movements, along with their later manifestations in Western-based Islamist intellectual circles in the UK and beyond, present the Quran primarily as a blueprint for a holistic Islamic state and society. Unlike Wahhabis or Deobandis, their interpretation of the Quran is explicitly political, viewing divine revelation as a comprehensive system (Nizam-e-Islami) meant to govern all aspects of life, including the political realm (Maududi, p.87–90). Distinct Characteristics: • Power Politics and Exclusivist Claims: Political Islamists view the Quran primarily as a blueprint for an Islamic state, reducing divine revelation to a political manifesto (Maududi, p.87–90). Their major confrontation is with democratic pluralism, which they reject in favour of a model based on Shura (consultation) and the sovereignty of God (Hakimiyyah), a concept they extrapolate from certain Quranic verses (Maududi, p.87–90). They make a false claim of Islamic exclusivism, arguing that their model is the only authentic one, which leads them into relentless power politics, often prioritising political control over spiritual renewal. They insist Islam alone offers the legitimate governance model, marginalising democracy, pluralism, and interfaith cooperation (2:62; 5:48, 5:66, 5:69). • Conflict with Pluralism and Clerical Rule: By opposing secular democracy, they create a dichotomy between “Islamic order” and “Western Jahiliyya.” Their ideal system often imagines a society controlled by religious scholars, leading to authoritarianism cloaked in divine authority (Abou El Fadl, p.15–18). This vision of a clergy-run administration—a modern-day caliphate—is where Quranic injunctions are enacted as state law, inevitably suppressing dissent, minority rights, and personal freedoms under the guise of implementing divine will. • Consequences in Practice: In practice, their experiments (e.g., in Pakistan, Egypt, Sudan) have produced authoritarian regimes, sectarian conflicts, and gender apartheid, far from Quranic principles of shura (consultation), adl (justice), and rahmah (mercy) (16:90; 4:135). The consequences of their ideology are often severe, creating societies where Quranic injunctions are selectively applied as state law, suppressing dissent, marginalising minority rights, and limiting personal freedoms under the guise of implementing divine will. Quranic Guidance on Democracy and Pluralism from an Islamist Perspective: Political Islamist groups, notably the Muslim Brotherhood and Jamaat-e-Islami, interpret Quranic guidance on democracy and pluralism by emphasising principles such as shura (consultative decision-making), justice (‘adl), and accountability, but always under the priority of implementing Islamic law (Sharia) and maintaining the supremacy of divine revelation. • Shura and Conditional Democracy: Political Islamists cite key Quranic concepts like Shura (“consultation”; see 3:159 and 42:38), arguing that representative government and consultative leadership are Islamic ideals, compatible with some aspects of modern democracy. Hassan al-Banna (founder of the Muslim Brotherhood) maintained that constitutional democracy can be accepted, provided it respects Islam’s role in legislation and the boundaries of religious law. Democracy, under Islamist frameworks, must be “qualified”—leaders are accountable to both God and the community, whose sovereignty remains subject to sharia. This approach reframes pluralism: consultation and participation are promoted, but always within the limits established by Islamic doctrine. Pluralism is not embraced as unrestricted religious and cultural diversity; rather, it is seen as a controlled process, where non-Muslim participation and minority rights are recognised only if compatible with Islamic values. Diverse political views and practices within the Muslim community are tolerated only if they do not contradict core tenets of Islam; in effect, pluralism becomes conditional and exceptions can be justified in the name of public morality or religious norms. • Interpretive Adaptability: Islamist organisations have demonstrated adaptability, sometimes supporting popular democracy (such as in Egypt’s 2011 revolution), but internal structures often remain hierarchical and authority-driven, limiting genuine democratic practice. While Quranic terms like shura and ijma (consensus) are invoked by Islamists to legitimise political participation, the real purpose, critics observe, is to pave the way for governance based on “Islamic solutions”—in other words, advancing a clerical or sharia-based administration whose democratic elements are ultimately subsidiary. Political Islamist groups, thus, interpret Quranic guidance on democracy and pluralism as supportive of consultative government and communal justice, yet consistently subordinate these values to Islamic Shariah, limiting pluralism and democracy to what aligns with religious doctrine and social norms defined by sharia. Extremist Formations: Ideological Violence and Quranic Justification Extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Qaeda, Boko Haram and al-Shabaab represent the most violent and destructive end of the spectrum, representing the most distorted presentation of Quranic precepts. Their major characteristic is the weaponisation of Quranic precepts, particularly those related to warfare (Jihad al-Qital) in a specific historical context, which they de-contextualise and apply universally against all who oppose them (Esack, p.202). Major Characteristics: • Weaponisation of Quranic Snippets: These groups selectively weaponise verses out of context to justify terror, enslavement, and destruction. They employ Quranic snippets to sanctify mass killings, suicide bombings, and enslavement of women (5:32 contradicts them). • Rejection of Coexistence and Cultural Destruction: They reject coexistence, branding Muslims outside their fold as apostates and non-Muslims as enemies to be eradicated (2:256). They destroy cultural heritage, sacred shrines, and intellectual legacies in the name of “purification.” • Copy-and-Paste Rhetoric: Their exhortations are frequently a copy-paste of Islamophobic rhetoric, ironically mirroring the very stereotypes that Islamophobes propagate. This creates a self-fulfilling cycle of violence, amplifying media portrayals of Islam as inherently violent (Esack, p.202). • Distortion of Jihad and Martyrdom: Their understanding of concepts like jihad is entirely militarized, ignoring its broader spiritual and defensive meanings. Extremist ideologues reinterpret defensive war (jihad) as an active, personal obligation, often citing classical scholars' fatwas and later radical theorists (like Sayyid Qutb and Abdullah Azzam) to argue that any Muslim can declare and wage jihad. Verses such as 3:169 are used to glorify suicide operations, martyrdom, and indiscriminate violence. Justifications for violence against civilians are further “theologized” via radical tracts (like Abu Abdullah al-Muhajir’s Jurisprudence of Blood), permitting suicide attacks, mutilation, and mass killing if claimed as “beneficial to jihad”. • Apocalyptic Vision: These groups epitomize the degeneration of Quranic hermeneutics into nihilistic brutality, erasing the book’s emphasis on life, dignity, and peaceful coexistence (17:70). They reject all traditional scholarship, instead offering a direct, unmediated, and violent interpretation that serves their political project of chaos and empire-building, effectively holding the Quran hostage to their apocalyptic vision. Extremist groups selectively cite the Quran by isolating verses and interpreting them outside of their historical and textual context, thus legitimizing violence against non-believers, rival Muslims, and civilian populations. Their exegesis relies on aggressive readings of a handful of verses, ignoring qualifying passages that restrict violence or call for mercy. Commonly Misused Verses By The Muslim Extremists Are: • Q.9:5 (“the verse of the sword”): “Then when the sacred months have passed, slay the idolaters wherever you find them, capture them, besiege them, and lie in wait for them at every place of ambush. But if they repent, establish prayer, and give zakat, let them go their way. Indeed, Allah is Forgiving and Merciful.” Extremists focus on the command to fight without acknowledging contextual qualifiers (such as allowing peace for those who repent and pay Zakat) (9:5; also see 9:1-14). • Q.2:191: “And kill them wherever you overtake them and expel them from wherever they have expelled you...” Used to justify violence as retaliation, even though subsequent verses limit aggression (2:190-191, 2:216). • Q.8:60: “And prepare against them whatever you are able of power... to strike terror into the enemies of Allah...” Cited to encourage terror as a divinely sanctioned tactic (8:60). • Q.4:74–75: Verses extolling those who fight as superior to those who do not and urging defence of the oppressed. Extremists interpret these as a call to jihad for their rigid cause. • Q. 5:51 and 9:29: “Fight those who do not believe in Allah nor the Last Day, ... until they pay the jizya...” Used broadly to legitimize violence, even against “People of the Book.” Contextual Manipulation and Abrogation: Extremist groups often invoke abrogation (Naskh), claiming later Madinan verses override earlier peaceful Meccan revelations, thus prioritizing violence. Qualifying passages, rules for proportionality, mercy, and peace are ignored or described as obsolete, allowing for unconditional warfare and attacks on non-combatants. Justifying Indiscriminate Killing: The ideological basis includes labelling entire populations (including Muslims deemed impure) as legitimate targets through takfir (excommunication). Famous fatwas (e.g., by Ibn Taymiyyah) and hadith are invoked to justify killing non-combatants in “enemy territory,” or anyone perceived as aiding the enemy. Killing of women, children, and bystanders is sanctioned by citing examples from Islamic history, manipulating scriptural precedent for contemporary objectives. In essence, extremist groups manipulate Quranic verses by omitting context and scholarly consensus, weaponizing scripture to rationalize violence and terrorism. Critical Analysis Of Various Muslim Organisations: All five streams—Barelvis, Wahhabis, Deobandis, Political Islamists, and Extremists—share a puritanical character. Their core traits include: 1. Patriarchy: Subjugation of women through selective interpretations (4:34 misused vs. 9:71 affirming equality). 2. Exclusivism: Branding other Muslims or faiths as illegitimate (which is contrary to Q.2:62; 5:48). 3. Anti-intellectualism: Suppressing philosophy, sciences, and rational engagement (contrary to Q.39:9; 58:11). 4. Control and Fear: Using the Quran as a tool of obedience rather than liberation (2:256, 28:5). 5. Historical Romanticism: Idolizing the first three centuries without contextual awareness. Against these tendencies, progressive Islamic thought offers a robust counter-vision. They emphasise the Quran’s overarching themes of mercy, justice, reason, and human dignity. Islamic Humanism emphasises the Quran’s affirmation of human dignity (17:70), freedom of conscience (2:256), and justice (4:135). None of the puritan groups foreground these. Progressive Islamic thought demonstrates how Quranic principles can address contemporary challenges through contextual interpretation and rational discourse, reinterpreting revelation as dynamic, ethical, and future-oriented, in contrast to static legalism (An-Na’im, p.95–97). The puritanical groups largely ignore these meta-values in favour of atomistic legalism. Their interpretations suppress intellectual inquiry and dismiss the rich history of Islamic philosophy and science that engaged with human reason as a means to understand God’s creation. Reformist thought argues for ijtihad (independent reasoning) that considers the socio-historical context of Quranic revelations given in the Quranic text. Reformed Hermeneutics situates the Quran historically, recognizing socio-cultural contingencies while extracting universal moral principles (Rahman, p.6–8). All five groups reject this, fossilising 7th-century Arabian applications as the only valid expression of Islam for all time, thereby making the faith incompatible with modern concepts of human rights and pluralism which can be easily reconciled with the broad ethical vision of the Quran. The interpretations of all these puritanical groups are overwhelmingly patriarchal. They read the Quran through centuries of androcentric scholarship, justifying gender hierarchies, polygamy, and unequal testimony laws while ignoring verses that emphasise gender equality, such as the Quran’s declaration that men and women were created from a single soul (4:1) and are protectors of one another (9:71). Islamic Feminism insists that gender equality is intrinsic to revelation, rejecting patriarchal distortions (Wadud, p.45–48). Efforts to re-read Quranic gender norms, challenge patriarchal fiqh, and secure female agency are opposed by Wahhabis, Deobandis, and Islamists. • Liberation Theology: This framework, when applied to Islam, emphasises the Quran's message of justice for the oppressed, economic equality, and resistance against tyranny. Liberation Theology views the Quran as a manifesto for resisting oppression, exploitation, and authoritarianism, a role inverted by the groups that ally with monarchies, militaries, or sectarian violence. This perspective, which reads scripture through the lens of the oppressed and marginalised, highlights how these groups side with power—be it state, tribal, or patriarchal. Their interpretations serve to maintain the status quo of power structures rather than challenging them in the name of the Quran’s relentless call for justice (Adl) and standing against oppression (Zulm). It would critique the slavish obedience of Wahhabis to wealthy Arab sheikhdoms, the political quietism that allows injustice to persist, and the focus on ritualistic purity over social transformation. Liberation theology would also challenge the power politics of Political Islamists if it leads to oppression of minorities or dissent. It would highlight the Quranic call for standing up against injustice, even if it means challenging established religious or political authorities that perpetuate inequality. Reclaiming the Quran: A Path Towards Progressive Understanding By grounding our understanding in a progressive hermeneutic, we can transcend the limitations of puritanical, patriarchal, and exclusivist interpretations, fostering an Islam that resonates with justice, compassion, and intellectual vibrancy in the modern world. The various organisations discussed—Barelvis, Wahhabi-Salafis, Deobandis, Political Islamists, and Extremist formations—each, in their own way, have fractured the holistic message of the Quran. Their interpretations often create artificial dichotomies between spirituality and reason, tradition and progress, or faith and justice. A progressive understanding seeks to mend these fractures, demonstrating that the Quran encourages an integrated approach to life and faith. • Holistic Spirituality and Rationality: Unlike the Barelvi emphasis on ritual and saint veneration which can overshadow direct engagement with God, or the Wahhabi/Deobandi legalism that stifles intellectual inquiry, a progressive approach highlights the Quran's simultaneous call to spiritual devotion and intellectual reflection (e.g., 3:191; 17:36). True spirituality, from this perspective, is not detached from reason but is deepened by it. The Quran is filled with invitations to ponder the universe, to seek knowledge, and to use intellect (Aql) to understand divine signs. Suppressing rational engagement, as many of these groups do, directly contradicts the Quranic emphasis on human cognitive faculties as a gift from God. • Dynamic Tradition and Ethical Progress: The adherence to "Salaf" by all these groups often leads to historical romanticism, fossilizing seventh-century Arabian applications as eternally normative. Progressive Islam, however, acknowledges the importance of tradition while asserting the Quran’s inherent dynamism. It recognizes that while the principles of the Quran are universal and timeless, their application must be contextually sensitive and ethically progressive. This means embracing ijtihad (independent reasoning) not merely to replicate past rulings but to actively address contemporary challenges with Quranic ethical guidance (e.g., 5:3, 16:89). The resistance to modern sciences, philosophy, and gender justice by groups like the Deobandis is a direct challenge to the Quran’s call for continuous learning and adaptation (39:18). • Universal Justice and Inclusive Pluralism: The exclusivist claims of Wahhabis and Political Islamists, which often brand other Muslims or faiths as illegitimate, directly contradict the Quran’s profound message of universalism and pluralism. The Quran explicitly recognizes the validity of diverse paths to God (5:69; 5:48) and commands justice and kindness even towards those who differ in faith (60:8-9). A progressive hermeneutic champions interfaith dialogue, celebrates human diversity (30:22), and views justice (adl) as a meta-value that transcends sectarian boundaries. The suppression of minority rights and personal freedoms under the guise of an "Islamic state" or "pure Islam" is a betrayal of the Quran’s explicit calls for freedom of conscience (2:256) and equity (4:135). The Imperative of Re-reading: A Call to Action The distortions perpetrated by puritanical, patriarchal, and extremist organisations are not merely academic matters; they have profound real-world consequences, leading to societal stagnation, conflict, and the suffering of marginalized communities. Reclaiming the Quran requires a deliberate and sustained effort, grounded in the principles outlined by progressive scholarship: • Prioritizing Ethical Meta-Values: Moving beyond atomistic legalism, readers must prioritize the Quran’s overarching ethical meta-values: justice (`Adl), compassion (Rahmah), wisdom (Hikmah), freedom of conscience, and human dignity (Karamah Insaniyyah). These values serve as the ethical compass for all interpretation, ensuring that specific rulings are understood within their broader moral framework. Any interpretation that contradicts these fundamental values must be critically re-examined. • Contextualizing Revelation (Maqasid al-Shariah): Understanding the socio-historical context in which verses were revealed given in the Quranic text is crucial to prevent de-contextualized weaponisation of scripture, as seen in extremist groups. Furthermore, discerning the higher objectives (Maqasid al-Shariah) of Islamic law—such as the preservation of life, intellect, dignity, faith, and progeny—provides a framework for dynamic ijtihad that aligns with the Quran’s enduring wisdom. • Centring the Marginalized: A liberation theology perspective is vital for unmasking interpretations that serve power structures at the expense of the oppressed. This involves asking: "Whose interests does this interpretation serve?" and "Does this interpretation empower the vulnerable or uphold the status quo of injustice?" The Quran's message consistently champions the rights of the weak and challenges the arrogant (28:5-6; 4:75). • Embracing Gender Justice: Islamic feminism is indispensable for dismantling centuries of androcentric interpretations. By rigorously re-reading the Quran without patriarchal biases, scholars can uncover its true message of gender equality and mutual respect (4:1; 9:71; 33:35), challenging practices like unbridled polygamy, Triple Talaq, child marriage, and unequal testimony laws that are often justified through misinterpretations. • Fostering Intellectual Inquiry: To counter anti-intellectualism, there must be a renewed commitment to critical thinking, philosophical engagement, and open dialogue within Muslim communities. Education must move beyond rote learning and medieval fiqh manuals, encouraging students to grapple with the Quran’s profound wisdom in light of modern knowledge and diverse perspectives. The pursuit of knowledge in all its forms is a Quranic imperative (96:1-5). The Future of a Liberated Islam The journey towards a progressive understanding of the Quran is not merely an academic exercise; it is a spiritual and ethical imperative for contemporary Muslims. By challenging the puritanical, patriarchal, and exclusivist distortions, and by re-engaging with the Quran through lenses of humanism, liberation, feminism, and critical reason, we can unlock its transformative potential. This path offers a vision of Islam that is intellectually robust, ethically compassionate, socially just, and truly universal—an Islam that embodies the divine call for all humanity to strive for goodness, justice, and peace in a diverse world. Reclaiming the Quran means reclaiming its soul, allowing it to once again be a source of genuine liberation and a beacon of guidance for humanity's ongoing quest for meaning and justice. Bibliography Abou El Fadl, Khaled. 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Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982. Wadud, Amina. Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s Reform in Islam. Oxford: Oneworld, 2006 ----- V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism. With a deep commitment to advancing Quranic hermeneutics that prioritize human well-being, peace, and progress, his work aims to foster a just society, encourage critical thinking, and promote inclusive discourse and peaceful coexistence. He is dedicated to creating pathways for meaningful social change and intellectual growth through his scholarship. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/debating-islam/muslim-misinterpret-quranic-precepts/d/136702 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism