By
Arshad Alam, New Age Islam
14 May 2019
As
generally happens when a group of Muslims sit together, the topic of discussion
is almost always Islam. I found myself being part of such a discussion in
Kolkata recently. One statement by a fellow Muslim still rings in my ears:
‘although we are a minority here, yet they (the Hindus) know very well that one
Muslim is equal to ten Bengalis and that’s why they never disturb us in
whatever we do’. This masculine assertion was perhaps part of the Muslim
discourse elsewhere too, till some time ago, but with the gradual loss of
political power and social esteem, it is hardly heard now.
But Bengal
is a different territory. The current political party, the TMC, is partly in
power because of Muslim support which will only increase in the coming years as
the BJP gains ground in the state. Since the last twelve years, the TMC has
been in power and has certainly grafted itself onto the hearts and minds of
Muslims. Through an affirmative action program which reserves seats for Muslim
OBCs to establishing the iconic Alia University, the party is seen to be doing
work for Muslims. There is a certain entrepreneurial sentiment which has
developed during this decade amongst the Muslims. Through the construction of
new shops and mosques, Muslims have started making their presence felt across
different cities of the state.
Symbolically,
Mamta Banerjee has done much to boost the confidence of this section: from
appearing in headscarf to giving salaries to mosque Imams, she has endeared
herself to the Muslim voter despite the charge of appeasement. The TMC is
perhaps the only party which defends its pro-minority stand by speaking a
language of inclusion.
Things were
not so good for Muslims earlier. The TMC took power from the CPIM, which ruled
the state for 25 years. It is to the credit of the communists that they never
let any anti-Muslim violence happen in the state during their rule. However, as
the Sachar committee report pointed out, the condition of Muslims remained
pitiable. They were hardly represented in government jobs, had very low income
and were educationally marginalised. Of course, the CPIM was not the sole
reason why Muslims were in such a deplorable state.
Historically,
the upper and middle class Muslims shifted to Pakistan after partition; the
only Muslims left were the ordinary peasants and craftsperson who were providing
services to the Hindu middle and upper classes. The communists, who came on the
slogan of revolutionary change, maintained this social consensus where the
Hindu Bengalis were mostly serviced by poor Muslims. It is also important to
understand that most of the leadership of the CPIM was basically caste Hindus
from Bangladesh. In their historical consciousness, the Muslims always remained
a disturbing other. After all, it were the Muslims who took away their land,
their social status, etc. which they enjoyed in East Bengal. The top leadership
of the CPIM, who were basically from the other side of border, never gave any
thought to the Muslim question in West Bengal. They had to tolerate the Muslims
and even maintain a veneer of secularism because Muslims were their most loyal
vote-bank. But beyond that, their historical antipathy towards Muslims blinded
them to think in terms of any ameliorative action for this destitute community.
Perhaps, within the social consensus which the communists effected, they derived
a vicarious pleasure to see the Muslim community remain as the subservient
class of service providers. A minister, who served in the last Left front
government, but has now joined the Congress party told me: ‘the Left leadership
was quite happy with the existing status quo amongst communities. Whenever I
tried to raise the issue of Muslim empowerment, I was told that there was a
certain line which I should not cross’.
The Muslim
vote was decisive in bringing TMC to power. Mamta Banerjee assiduously cultivated
a pro-Muslim image which in actual practice meant that she pandered to the most
conservative sections of the Muslims. Not only did she don the Islamic headwear
when appearing in Muslim functions but she made sure to move around with
orthodox Mullahs, who were always ready to do her bidding. However, it is also
true all this was not just for symbolism alone. Through the Alia University and
OBC reservation, Muslims have benefited tangibly. The extent of Muslim
empowerment can be debated but what is certain is that Muslims have felt, after
many years that they can assert themselves as now they have a government which
they can relate to and call as their own. It is during her tenure that Muslims
have for the first time found space in state controlled academic institutions
like Jadavpur University. In certain departments, Muslims have been recruited
as faculty for the first time since the inception of the university. This is
certainly not to take away the hard work that these Muslims have put to secure a
place as teachers within such institutions of higher learning. But surely, such
qualified Muslims must have existed before. However, the social consensus that
operated under the Left saw to it that Muslims were certainly excluded from
such positions.
Amongst the
Muslims, there has been a certain distaste and even revulsion that has
developed for the Left, which means that it will be very difficult for them to
stage a comeback. Even their track record of preventing riots in Bengal is now
being questioned. As one of the faculty members at Alia University told me:
‘since Muslims were so poor during the time of CPIM, they were not a threat to
the Hindu population. Riots did not happen because of the Left front
government’s secular credentials, but because within society there was no
objective reasons present for economic antagonism between Hindus and Muslims’.
However, more than a decade of TMC rule has seen the rise of Muslim businesses
in different cities. Also, Muslims increasingly are opting for higher education
and even getting into government jobs. All this has led to a greater visibility
of Muslims in the public sphere. What has also happened is the increased
display and assertion of religiosity amongst Muslims.
Performing
Namaz on the roadside and blocking traffic is not a new thing nor is it that it
only happens in Bengal. However, riots in Dhulagarh (in which Hindu property
was attacked and damaged) is evidence that the new found confidence amongst
Muslims has the potential to rile a section of Hindus who otherwise had no
problems with the exercise of such religiosity. The sentiment expressed by my
friend at the beginning of this article is also not new; however, in the
context of Bengal, this self-perception leads to the near obsolescence of other
communities with whom Muslims have to live.
What is
perhaps more dangerous in the long run is the very economic and educational
mobility of Muslims. This Muslim mobility threatens the very social consensus
which has been built over many decades in the state. For an average Hindu who
is accustomed to seeing Muslims as nothing more than a plumber, electrician or
a car mechanic, it will be too much for him to treat this community of service
providers as his equal. And yet, slowly and surely, individuals from this community
are challenging the historical status quo by landing government jobs, bidding
for contracts, opening new businesses and even teaching in elite universities.
During my visit to different parts of the state, I could sense this resentment
against Muslims already.
Influential
sections within the Hindu society could start looking for a political
alternative that will once again reinforce the social consensus between Hindus
and Muslims. The ruling TMC has already sensed this: and is making amends by shunning
Islamic symbolism and even funding puja pandals. However, this might be too
little too late. The BJP, which is trying hard to make inroads into the state,
is leaving no stone unturned to campaign against the pro-appeasement policies
of the TMC. It is entirely possible that for a section of Hindus, the BJP might
appear as the political force which will bring back the social consensus by
showing Muslims their place. Already, the signs are ominous. There are credible
reports that some percentage of traditional Left voters will vote for the BJP
in this election. The Left still commands nearly 30% of the votes and if a
substantial section of this vote gets transferred to the BJP, then the party
will surely become the most important player in Bengal politics.
It will be
foolish to argue that Muslims should not empower themselves for fear of
antagonising the Hindu community. However, what they can certainly do is to
tone down their religious rhetoric and exhibitionism. They should also be
careful not to practice non-essential aspects of their religion which might
have the potential to upset the religious sentiments of the majority
population. Muslims must realise that they are in a very delicate situation:
only a reasoned and sagacious approach can help them prosper and be at peace
with other communities. For a start, they must stop importing rabid Mullahs
from Bangladesh into their mosques.
Arshad
Alam is a columnist with NewAgeIslam.com
9:41 AM
Moderate Islamist here
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