The War within Islam

22 Feb 2011, NewAgeIslam.Com

	Niyaz Fatehpuri’s Struggle Against Islamic Fundamentalists
	The book under review, War Within Islam, is an attempt to present the essentials of Niyaz Fatehpuri’s thinking and to underline its importance, particularly in the context of the present global situation wherein the Islamic Civilization is seen to be in clash with other major civilizations. The author, Juhi Shahin, holds Master’s degrees in Islamic Studies from the McGill University of Canada, and also from Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. She now happens to be a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History at an American University. This book is a revised version of her M.A. thesis at the McGill University. According to the author, Niyaz believed in the need for a re-interpretation of Islam in the light of the new knowledge that had become available by then. He also advocated and practiced a rational interpretation of Islamic principles. Thus his main targets of criticism were the Ulema whom Niyaz considered to be ‘responsible for the stagnation in Muslim religious thinking, and which in turn, was making them suffer in social and economic spheres.’ Giving an example of what Niyaz called ‘rational thinking’; the author has quoted the view of Niyaz in relation to the position of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH). Generally Muslims consider God first in order of importance, followed by the Quran and the Prophet (PBUH) in that order. However, Niyaz assigned the top position to Prophet Mohammad (PBUH), then the Quran followed by God. His reasoning for this was the fact that Quran came to us from the mouth of Mohammad (PBUH) and we know about God from these two. A natural corollary of such a concept was the question whether the Quran was a Divine Revelation or was it the work (na’oozo billah) of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) himself? -- SABIH MOHSIN in South Asia (January 2011)
	Niyaz Fatehpuri’s Struggle Against Islamic Fundamentalists Book Review by SABIH MOHSIN, South Asia (January 2011) Title: The War within Islam: Niaz Fatehpuri’s struggle against Islamic fundamentalism Author: Juhi Shahin Publisher: Ferozsons (Pvt.) Ltd, Pakistan (2009) Pages: 206 pages, Hard cover Price: PKR. 495 ISBN: 978 969 0 021786 In Islam, as in most other religions, religious scholars have tried to interpret their religious tenets in different ways. This has resulted in the coming into existence of various masaliks and even sects. There have been some other religious scholars as well, whose interpretations did command some acceptance for a short while but were forgotten soon after, leaving no permanent impact. Niyaz Fatehpri was a religious scholar belonging to the second category. Niyaz Fatehpuri (1884-1966) was educated in Islamic learning under what is generally known as Dars-e-Nizami. He had also acquired the knowledge of English language and literature. He lived in an era during which, under the impact of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan’s campaign for the acquisition of western education, many questions were being asked about traditional Islam. And the Ulema, traditional scholars of Islam, were faced with harsh criticism. Niyaz Fatehpuri too, rejected the traditional interpretation of Islam. He was inclined towards a rational interpretation of Islamic thoughts. While doing so he often deviated far from the customary views held by most of the Muslims of South Asia. His only tool for propagating his ideas, which proved to be quite controversial, was his monthly magazine Nigar. The appreciation received by Niyaz for his innovative views about Islam was at its peak during a short period in the 1930s and 1940s. It was then lost amidst the flurry of the struggle for freedom of India. That struggle was all the more trying for the Muslims of South Asia as they were compelled to demand the partition of the sub-continent as a measure to protect their rights. They were, consequently, made the victims of large scale killings and plundering by the fanatics among the Hindus, the majority community. Niyaz had neither cared to build up a team of activists to propagate his views nor had he ever thought of providing any institutional support to his ideas, as had been done earlier by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. As such, his efforts to promote his ideas among the Muslims of South Asia who were already passing through turbulent times due to the political situation in the country, just fell flat. The book under review, War Within Islam, is an attempt to present the essentials of Niyaz Fatehpuri’s thinking and to underline its importance, particularly in the context of the present global situation wherein the Islamic Civilization is seen to be in clash with other major civilizations. The author, Juhi Shahin, holds Master’s degrees in Islamic Studies from the McGill University of Canada, and also from Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. She now happens to be a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History at an American University. This book is a revised version of her M.A. thesis at the McGill University. According to the author, Niyaz believed in the need for a re-interpretation of Islam in the light of the new knowledge that had become available by then. He also advocated and practiced a rational interpretation of Islamic principles. Thus his main targets of criticism were the Ulema whom Niyaz considered to be ‘responsible for the stagnation in Muslim religious thinking, and which in turn, was making them suffer in social and economic spheres.’ Giving an example of what Niyaz called ‘rational thinking’; the author has quoted the view of Niyaz in relation to the position of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH). Generally Muslims consider God first in order of importance, followed by the Quran and the Prophet (PBUH) in that order. However, Niyaz assigned the top position to Prophet Mohammad (PBUH), then the Quran followed by God. His reasoning for this was the fact that Quran came to us from the mouth of Mohammad (PBUH) and we know about God from these two. A natural corollary of such a concept was the question whether the Quran was a Divine Revelation or was it the work (na’oozo billah) of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) himself? Here the writer concedes that “This was one of the instances where he (Niyaz) may have taken his logic too far…” And also that such views “clearly would not be acceptable to any ordinary believer.” But there were some other views held by him which were not only acceptable to many ordinary believers but were also shared by some distinguished scholars. Niyaz Fatehpuri believed that most of the ahadis or the sayings of the Prophet (PBUH) that have reached us, are fabricated. Similar views are held not only by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan but also by some religious scholars including Syed Sulaiman Nadvi. Niyaz attached great importance to Akhlaq or social behavior. And so did Shibli Naumani and Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. But in spite of his liberal views on many issues, Niyaz was closer to the traditionalist view about women’s role in the society. Though he wanted them to be educated in other subjects as well in addition to religious knowledge, he was not in favor of their taking up jobs unless necessitated by difficult family circumstances. The author defends him by saying that it was a rational view dictated by the natural differences between man and woman which assigned a role to the woman within her household. What is relevant to the present global situation in Niyaz’s thinking is that he considered “all humanity to be equal in the eyes of God, no matter which religious practice they pursue.” He believed that a reward has been promised by God for those who fulfilled three conditions: belief in God, belief in the Day of Judgment and righteous conduct. He thus concluded that even those who did not call themselves Muslims, could become capable of receiving God’s promised reward. Such beliefs, if made acceptable to the small but more active extremist segments of the global society, can undoubtedly work as an antidote to the current worldwide extremism. The book includes four appendices in which those themes have been listed which were discussed by Niyaz in his monthly magazine, Nigar, during the various phases of its publication. In Appendix A, themes discussed during the period 1926-1935, have been listed. Appendices B, C and D cover respectively the themes dealt with during the periods 1936-1946, 1947-62 in independent India and 1963-1966 while he lived in Pakistan. An examination of these appendices shows that he had presented and advocated his most controversial ideas about religion during the period 1926-1946. It appears that after the achievement of independence, he had turned his attention to socio-political issues and to history, while innovative ideas on religion had been mostly left aside. The book The War Within Islam can be bought from Alibris, Amazon, AbeBooks, Biblio.com, Powells as well frompublisher Ferozsons online bookstore: http://www.ferozsons.com.pk/book.php?field=p_id&val=43018 Source: http://www.saglobalaffairs.com/book-reviews/783-a-struggle-against-fundamentalists.html URL: http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamWarWithinIslam_1.aspx?ArticleID=4169

Islamic Society

23 Feb 2011, NewAgeIslam.Com

Reform movement gathers forces in the Bohra community
	With a population of just over a million, the Dawoodi Bohras are ethnic Gujaratis, mostly small traders. Last month, when 3,000 Dawoodi Bohras gathered at Udaipur for their 14th world conference, the thrust was on galvanising the ongoing movement against what the organisers described as the draconian rule of their spiritual head or dai-e-mutlaq, Syedna Burhanuddin. The Dawoodis are one of the many branches of the Ismaili Shia sect. Throughout their history, the Ismailis have faced dissensions over succession to the post of Imam, whom they believe to be appointed by God as the Prophet’s deputy. The Dawoodis believe that their 21st Imam, Tayyeb, who resided in Yemen, went into seclusion, and that in his absence he had appointed a dai-e-mutlaq, a deputy with absolute powers over his followers, to control the community.-- Yoginder Sikand

Reform movement gathers forces in the Bohra community

Charges against Bohra religious head range from tyranny to corruption By Yoginder Sikand With a population of just over a million, the Dawoodi Bohras are ethnic Gujaratis, mostly small traders. Last month, when 3,000 Dawoodi Bohras gathered at Udaipur for their 14th world conference, the thrust was on galvanising the ongoing movement against what the organizers described as the draconian rule of their spiritual head or dai-e-mutlaq, Syedna Burhanuddin. The Dawoodis are one of the many branches of the Ismaili Shia sect. Throughout their history, the Ismailis have faced dissensions over succession to the post of Imam, whom they believe to be appointed by God as the Prophet’s deputy. The Dawoodis believe that their 21st Imam, Tayyeb, who resided in Yemen, went into seclusion, and that in his absence he had appointed a dai-e-mutlaq, a deputy with absolute powers over his followers, to control the community. Faced with violent opposition from Sunni Muslims, the Dawoodi branch of the Ismailis carried on an underground religion-political movement in Yemen. But when Sunni opposition became severe, the 24th dai shifted to Gujarat. Following this, missionaries of the sect made numerous converts in Gujarat, particularly among Lohana traders (called Bohras in Gujarati). The Dawoodi Bohras, the largest of the various Bohra groups, are followers of the 27th dai. The present dai, Syedna Burhanuddin, is the 52nd in line. Today, he finds himself in the centre of a brewing controversy, faced with angry protests from reformist Bohras amidst allegations of corruption. In his address to the Udaipur conference, noted Islamic scholar Asghar Ali Engineer, general secretary of the Central Board of the Dawoodi Bohra Community, recounted how the Syedna and his cronies have consistently sought to scuttle the reformist movement, not hesitating to use force in many cases. In an interview with this writer, Engineer spoke of the total control that the Syedna imposes on his followers, including demanding that they prostrate before him, although in Islam prostration is to be made only before God. He referred to Burhanuddin’s father, Tahir Saifuddin, the 51st dai-e-mutlaq, who in a statement made in the Bombay High Court even declared himself to be “God on earth” (Ilah-ul-ard), a claim that is unambiguously unIslamic. He added that the Bohras are made to believe, quite contrary to Islamic teachings, that entry to heaven is dependent entirely on the Syedna’s goodwill. The chief guest of the conference, social activist Medha Patkar, linked the struggle of the Bohra reformists to the wider struggle for social justice, stressing the need for internal democracy within religious communities and for challenging the autocracy of self-styled religious heads. Syed Shahid Mehdi, former vice- chancellor of Delhi’s Jamia Millia Islamia, characterized the Syedna’s dictatorial powers over the Bohras as ‘religious apartheid’. Tahir Mahmood, former chairman of the National Minorities Commission, castigated the Syedna for making exorbitant demands on the Bohras and for allegedly making claims for himself that even the Prophet Muhammad had never done. Noting how the reformist Bohras were being hounded by the Syedna for speaking out against their oppression, he called for a law to protect religious dissenters. Over three days, dozens of Bohras expressed their anguish at the oppressive practices of the Syedna and his vast family of around a thousand members. Abid Adeeb, president of the Udaipur Dawoodi Bohra Jamaat, spoke of how the present Syedna levies a number of taxes on the Bohras that had no sanction in Islam. Through his representatives or amils, he said, the Syedna extracts several crores of rupees from his followers annually, demanding payment on almost every conceivable occasion. Even prayer spaces in Bohra Mosques in the month of Ramzan are now up for sale, he revealed. He felt that opposition to the Syedna’s exploitation was mounting but those who dare to do so are immediately excommunicated. Adeeb recounted numerous cases of excommunicated dissidents being forced by the Syedna to divorce their spouses. The reformists had taken the issue of baraat, the power of excommunication that the Syedna claimed for himself, to the courts several years ago, but the case was still pending. He noted that various political parties were hand-in-glove with the Syedna, owing to the vast economic clout that he wields and the votes he can deliver, because of which these parties are, he alleged, indifferent to demands for reform. He pointed out that the Syedna even had close links with Narendra Modi, despite the fact that Bohras, along with other Muslims, had suffered immensely in the anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat in 2002. He also claimed that the Syedna routinely paid various Sunni Muslim institutions money so as to project himself as a pious Muslim as well as to buy their support and their silence on his un-Islamic practices and exploitative ways. Likewise, he said, the mainstream media, which routinely sensationalizes Muslim issues, had largely ignored the scandals that abound in the Bohra religious establishment. “The Syedna spends vast sums of money to place advertisements for himself in the newspapers, and I would not be surprised if the Syedna’s men pay some media persons hefty sums to keep off writing on the corruption of the Bohra religious establishment or to praise the Syedna,” he added. Zainab Bano, president of the Bohra Youth Association Udaipur, spoke of the origins of the reformist movement in Udaipur in the 1970s, recounting the torments they have had to suffer over the years as a result, including being beaten up by Burhanuddin’s men, forcibly divorced from their spouses, banned from Bohra mosques and denied access to graveyards. She pointed out that the present Syedna had invented new titles for his sons and daughters, styling them as ‘princes’ (shehzada) and ‘princesses’ (shehzadi). He had, she added, appointed key members of his family as amils in towns with a sizable Bohra population, and many of them had amassed vast fortunes by levying a host of taxes on Bohras and through shady deals. Saifuddin Insaf, 70, one of the pioneers of the Bohra reformist movement, and editor of the reformist journal Bohra Chronicle, traced the degeneration in the Bohra priesthood to the 47th dai, Abdul Qadir Najmuddin, great-grandfather of Syedna Burhanuddin, who had established hereditary rule. In order to dispossess the Bohras of the numerous trusts that Bohra philanthropists had set up across the country, the present Syedna had gone so far as to claim to be their sole trustee. The reformists had challenged this claim in the courts years ago but, Insaf lamented, the verdict was still pending. Insaf revealed that in order to impose total control on the Bohras, the Syedna insists that no Bohra can pray in a mosque or marry without his permission. “This is a complete violation of Islamic teachings. It is a tool to ensure complete slavery. If a Bohra marries without the Syedna’s permission, the marriage is considered illegal and the offspring of that union illegitimate,” he explained. He spoke of how Tahir Saifuddin had invented a new rule demanding that every Bohra adolescent give an oath of allegiance (mithaq) to him, rather than, as in the past, to the Imam who is believed to be in seclusion. This new oath insisted on complete surrender to the Syedna’s will, and required that every Bohra declare himself to be the “slave of the Syedna” (abd-e syedna). The present Syedna, he said, continues with this mithaq, which he castigated as “wholly unIslamic”. Next month, Burhanuddin turns 100 and lavish preparations are underway to celebrate his centenary. Conference participants revealed that instructions have been sent to every Bohra family to cough up a substantial amount of money to fund his birthday revelries. Speaker after speaker also spoke of battles behind the scenes between rival factions among Burhanuddin’s several brothers and sons to succeed him as head of the vast empire he controls once he dies since he has not as yet revealed his successor. When that happens, they do not rule out the community splintering into rival sects, which would only be in consonance with the Ismaili historical tradition. Source: Tehelka A regular columnist for NewAgeIslam.com, Yoginder Sikand works with the Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion at the National Law School, Bangalore. URL: http://newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamIslamicSociety_1.aspx?ArticleID=4176

Muslims and Islamophobia

24 Feb 2011, NewAgeIslam.Com

Islamophobia, alas, passes the British dinner table test
	The work we have been doing over the last six years at Faith Matters, an organization dedicated to creating community cohesion among faith communities in the United Kingdom, suggests that Warsi is right – about both anti-Muslim sentiment and the U.K.’s history of integration. We have heard openly anti-Muslim sentiment in some communities. When we publish research materials on the Muslim community, we regularly receive correspondence from people who spout some of the worst stereotypes about Muslims…. The diversity of Muslim communities, whether of thought, practice or background, means that such elements need to be promoted and disseminated in advertising campaigns, through the press and through social media. We must not underestimate the power of social media in creating grassroots ideas and perceptions. -- Fiyaz Mughal

Islamophobia, alas, passes the British dinner table test

By Fiyaz Mughal February 17, 2011 The January speech in the U.K. by Baroness Sayeeda Warsi, the co-chairperson of the British Conservative Party, in which she stated that “Islamophobia has passed the dinner table test,” has sparked numerous debates and discussions around many British dinner tables. Warsi was asserting, in other words, that being anti-Muslim is becoming acceptable in an otherwise tolerant and inclusive country which has had a long history of immigrants and integration. The work we have been doing over the last six years at Faith Matters, an organization dedicated to creating community cohesion among faith communities in the United Kingdom, suggests that Warsi is right – about both anti-Muslim sentiment and the U.K.’s history of integration. We have heard openly anti-Muslim sentiment in some communities. When we publish research materials on the Muslim community, we regularly receive correspondence from people who spout some of the worst stereotypes about Muslims. Yet there are those within faith and non-faith communities who are trying to reach out and build bridges with Muslim communities. They understand that blame does not build sustainable and healthy societies. More worrying than stereotyping, though, has been the trend for some to undermine Muslims’ status in society by setting up blogs, websites and Facebook groups that spout anti-Muslim rhetoric. I have attended university and dinner parties where Muslims are seen as the “problem” community and where the topic for the evening’s discussion is Muslim extremism – which then turns into a discussion about all Muslims. Bringing these issues to the forefront of discussion is useful, although sometimes raising issues and allowing them to “hang in the air” can be detrimental to cohesion. That is why it is essential that civil society organizations and others who support intercommunity relations pick up on Warsi’s comments and implement grassroots discussions and social programs that counter emerging prejudices and divisions. It is also essential that the British government support such work through the Big Society agenda, which is designed to empower local communities to make more decisions on their own, and to allow private companies and charities to provide services traditionally provided by the state. More importantly, the government itself should continue to foster strong community relations and encourage healthy integration by acting as a facilitator and disseminator of good social ideas. In her speech, Warsi also stated that Muslims were being bracketed in “moderate” and “extreme” camps, not being seen as individuals. This is particularly important since it affects Muslim communities and the self-perception of British Muslim youths. Today, for some, if a young Muslim drinks alcohol, goes to nightclubs and generally participates in “wild” activities associated with youth, he is considered a moderate, someone who “fits in” and who is “not threatening.” But then picture a beard added to that youth’s face. Imagine that he is someone who does not go out to clubs, pubs and after-work activities. To some, this person is the picture of a borderline extremist. Such crude attitudes are not only wrong, they could turn out to be dangerous given the heightened levels of sensitivity around extremism and terrorism. Let us not confuse religious piety or social customs within Muslim communities with extremism. These are different things. So how can we reduce the prejudiced chatter over dinner? It is essential to promote the diversity of Muslim communities in order to counter the brittle and brutal images of Muslims that underpin prejudiced discussions. The diversity of Muslim communities, whether of thought, practice or background, means that such elements need to be promoted and disseminated in advertising campaigns, through the press and through social media. We must not underestimate the power of social media in creating grassroots ideas and perceptions. Additionally, communities that maintain monocultural identities need to be provided with social incentives, like small community budgets – administered on a ward level by local authorities, in partnership with residents – to reach out to and engage with other communities. This also means that British politicians need to emphasize that working with, and developing links with, diverse communities increases one’s ability to cope in an ever-more globalized world. We can all play our role in combating our inner prejudices, though there is some way to go before Muslims lose their current unenviable position of being the most talked about faith community today. Fiyaz Mughal is the founder and director of Faith Matters (www.faith-matters.org), an organization that works to resolve conflict and create community cohesion through collaboration between faith communities in the United Kingdom and the Middle East. Source: NewAgeIslam.com publishes this commentary in collaboration with the Common Ground News Service (www.commongroundnews.org). URL: http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamMuslimsAndIslamophobia_1.aspx?ArticleID=4181

Current affairs

24 Feb 2011, NewAgeIslam.Com

	Gulf parliaments are all about potential
	Prospects for democratic reform appear to have gone up a notch across the Gulf states as the aftermath of the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings continue to reverberate around the region. Meaningful change, however, will depend not just on shows of popular discontent but on the representative institutions in those countries taking on a much more significant role in challenging the government on the public’s behalf. Although generally regarded as feeble by international standards, the recent history of the parliaments in Kuwait, Bahrain and Oman highlights both the potential for and the challenges facing the development of participatory politics in the Gulf. The parliaments need to develop positions in the administration of the state which make it impossible for governments to ignore them, and convince the public that they offer the best and most effective route to political empowerment. The potential undoubtedly exists, but if they are to seize the opportunities, the politicians will need to organize themselves better around issues of principle instead of only offering occasional resistance to the executive, and parliamentarians will have to become much better at utilizing their existing influence to secure more formal powers for their assemblies. -- Greg power

Gulf parliaments are all about potential

By Greg Power February 18, 2011 Prospects for democratic reform appear to have gone up a notch across the Gulf states as the aftermath of the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings continue to reverberate around the region. Meaningful change, however, will depend not just on shows of popular discontent but on the representative institutions in those countries taking on a much more significant role in challenging the government on the public’s behalf. Although generally regarded as feeble by international standards, the recent history of the parliaments in Kuwait, Bahrain and Oman highlights both the potential for and the challenges facing the development of participatory politics in the Gulf. At one end of the spectrum, Kuwait’s parliament has long been the loudest and liveliest in the region. Established in 1963, it has gradually expanded its formal powers and increasingly challenged the emir and the government. For many Gulf politicians, it was a model to be emulated; for heads of state, it was a physical warning that they should proceed with caution. The Kuwaiti parliament’s progress has been disrupted twice by lengthy dissolutions (in 1976 and 1986, each for half a decade), which revolved around the emir’s resistance to any further extension of the assembly’s influence. That cycle appeared to be repeating itself between 2006 and 2009, as the parliament pushed for the right to question the prime minister. After three elections in as many years, the matter was resolved when the prime minister appeared before parliament and duly won a vote of no confidence at the end of 2009. The irony is that, although the parliament succeeded in expanding its powers to challenge the executive, it now looks like a weaker body as a result. The government agreed to the principle of prime ministerial questioning only when it was certain it had enough votes to win, and the parliament seems incapable of combating government manipulation of certain members. In a strange turn of events, the emir reportedly now believes that dissolving parliament would be seen as a victory for the opposition. Thus, these days Kuwait’s parliament might have more power but seems to have less influence. In Bahrain the parliament has evolved against a more politically turbulent backdrop, with tensions between the Shiite population (some 70 percent of Bahrain’s citizens) and the Sunni regime represented by the Al-Khalifa ruling family spilling out into periods of civil unrest and subsequent state repression. Bahrain’s parliament had its first, brief lifespan from 1973 to 1975, followed by an unconstitutional dissolution until 2002, when it was reinstated by King Hamad as part of promised reform measures intended to defuse social tensions. That the parliament turned out to be a pale imitation of its predecessor, however, has been a source of continuing grievance around which much subsequent political turmoil has revolved. Since 2002 the Bahraini parliament has struggled to extend its formal authority over a government that has relied on two tactics to retain its dominance. The first is a pattern of state harassment and victimization of opponents, which appears to be directly linked to the electoral cycle. The second is the gerrymandering of the voting system. Electoral districts vary greatly in size: the largest district contains over 12,000 people in a mainly Shiite area, while the smallest – largely Sunni – has only 500 voters. These steps guarantee that the Shiite population cannot win a majority within the institution. In the 2006 and 2010 elections, the main Shiite party Al-Wefaq won only 18 of 40 parliamentary seats. By contrast, the evolution of Oman’s Shura Council has been quiet, even by the standards of the Gulf. The country, which in 1996 became the last in the Gulf Cooperation Council to adopt a constitution, held its first popular elections in 2003 for a body that lacked legislative powers and whose influence was confined almost entirely to economic development. The turnout for elections has been relatively poor at around 30 percent, perhaps because, according to academic Uzi Rabi, the Shura resembles a “depoliticized local council.” Yet even in Oman, politicians and civil society groups expressed concern in recent conversations that the cabinet is deliberately trying to undermine the standing of the Shura by emphasizing its ineffectiveness and the poor quality of its members via stories planted in media. One argument currently in circulation is that the Shura was more effective when it was an appointed body, because at least then its membership was drawn from the upper echelons of society. The parliamentary institutions in Kuwait, Bahrain and Oman were established to provide some legitimacy for the regime and outlets for public voice. They continue to provide some semblance of democratic representation, and have had the occasional win, but all are struggling against dominant regimes. It remains highly unlikely that they will be abolished or dissolved – as this would provide a potent focus around which disparate opposition groups would coalesce. However, the overriding message is that their activity is tolerated only within certain bounds set by the ruling authorities. All these parliaments face two fundamental problems. The first is a failure of political organization. Parliamentarians in the Gulf voice frustration about the underdeveloped nature of political society and particularly the limited presence of political groups. But the practical effect of the fact that none of these states permit political parties is that politicians frequently lack the discipline that comes with party membership and, as such, the parliaments rarely act cohesively or strategically. As a result, the ruling authorities have found it relatively easy to manipulate the system, pick off individual politicians, and divide any opposition at an early stage. The second is that parliaments have failed to carve out a distinctive role which demonstrates why they are invaluable to government or to the people – and are caught awkwardly between them, not fully meeting either’s needs. At present both the ruling authorities and the people believe the parliaments should exist, but the institutions are not performing indispensable functions for either one. The parliaments need to develop positions in the administration of the state which make it impossible for governments to ignore them, and convince the public that they offer the best and most effective route to political empowerment. The potential undoubtedly exists, but if they are to seize the opportunities, the politicians will need to organize themselves better around issues of principle instead of only offering occasional resistance to the executive, and parliamentarians will have to become much better at utilizing their existing influence to secure more formal powers for their assemblies. Greg Power is director of Global Partners and Associates, a social purpose company. This commentary is reprinted with permission from the Arab Reform Bulletin. It can be accessed online at: www.carnegieendowment.org/arb, © 2011, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Source: The Daily Star URL: http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamCurrentAffairs_1.aspx?ArticleID=4185

Islamic Ideology

23 Feb 2011, NewAgeIslam.Com

Udaipur Bohra conference reinforces will to reform
	The Bohra reform movement was hot news during the 1970s and the 1990s. Nothing was seen in the newspapers thereafter and many people thought that this movement has died down, like many other social movements. This, however, is not true. It is still quite alive and kicking. The reformist Bohras are fighting against totalitarianism for their democratic and human rights, which the Bohra priesthood flagrantly violates. They are denied freedoms as fundamental as that of speech. They had started writing on corruption within the religious establishment headed by the priesthood, which has assumed monstrous powers. Another resolution was passed to demand the setting up of a Shi’ah Wakf Board so that interests of reformist Bohra properties and other Shi’ah properties also could be taken care of. More resolutions were passed on the recent corruption scandals such as the Commonwealth Games scam and the 2G scam, in which politicians and government officials have been involved. While condemning such instances the resolution urged on civil society to work more actively to combat corruption and to usher in clean and transparent governance. -- Asghar Ali Engineer

Udaipur Bohra conference reinforces will to reform

By Asghar Ali Engineer New Delhi But, political patronage of repressive priesthood could harm the progress made The Bohra reform movement was hot news during the 1970s and the 1990s. Nothing was seen in the newspapers thereafter and many people thought that this movement has died down, like many other social movements. This, however, is not true. It is still quite alive and kicking. For those who require proof, the 14th All World Dawoodi Bohra Conference held in Udaipur – the reformist centre – from 11 to 13 February would be quite an example. Not only was the inaugural session attended by more than 700 people of whom about 500 were women, subsequent delegate sessions on 12 and 13 February were attended by 400 people of whom 300 were women. Why the extra emphasis on women? Women in general and Bohra women in particular have been the worst victims of religious exploitation. They were beaten up and dragged by their hair by the Bohra High Priests’ goons in Udaipur on 1 March 1972. Long time since it happened? Well, the scars are still fresh, and the crime neither forgettable nor forgivable. The reformist Bohras are fighting against totalitarianism for their democratic and human rights, which the Bohra priesthood flagrantly violates. They are denied freedoms as fundamental as that of speech. They had started writing on corruption within the religious establishment headed by the priesthood, which has assumed monstrous powers. It is important to note that the Bohra reform movement is not an exclusive one. It is not restricted to the Bohra community alone. The leadership, from the beginning, has adopted an inclusive approach. From the first conference in 1977, prominent writers including Dalit writers like Daya Pawar had participated. Prominent Hindi writer Kamleshwar inaugurated it. The mass marriage of 110 reformist Bohra couples that had been held up by the priesthood for over a year was solemnised in the presence of priests from all religions in 1975. Interestingly, more than 5,000 people took part in the celebration. In order to understand the problems of reformist Bohras, Jayaprakash Narayan, then Chairman of Citizens for Democracy, instituted the Nathwani Commission to conduct a probe into alleged violations of democratic and human rights of the reformists. The Bohra high priest, with the help of a few Muslim leaders, however, raised a hue and cry that Islam is in danger and outside forces are interfering in the religious affairs of Muslims. The Shahi Imam supplemented this when he said that rivers of blood would flow if the Commission is not withdrawn. This was regardless of my assurance to him that no religious matter is being investigated into and that if the Commission does so, I would boycott it. Later the Commission Report concluded: “Our inquiry has shown that there is large-scale infringement of civil liberties and human rights of reformist Bohras at the hands of the priestly class and that those who fail to obey the orders of the Syedna (Bohra high priest) and his Amils (local representatives of the high priest), even in purely secular matters, are subject to Baraat (social boycott) resulting in complete social boycott, mental torture and frequent physical assaults.” The writer was fatally assaulted five times including once in Egypt. “The Misaq,” the Report continues, “(the oath of unquestioning allegiance to the Head Priest) which every Bohra is required to give before he or she attains the age of majority, is used as the main instrument for keeping the entire community under the subjugation of the Syedna and his nominees. Threatened of Baraat and the resulting disabilities, Bohras are prevented from reading periodicals, which are censured by the Syedna (such as the Bombay Samachar, Blitz and the Bohra Bulletin). They are prevented from establishing charitable institutions like orphanages, dispensaries, libraries and so on without prior permission of the Syedna. They cannot contest elections for municipal and legislative bodies without beforehand securing the blessings of the Syedna. Above all one cannot have social contact with a person subjected to Baraat, even if the person is one’s husband, wife, brother, sister, father or son. The weapon of Baraat has been used to compel a husband to divorce his wife, a son to disown his father, a mother or refuse to see her so. An excommunicated member becomes virtually an untouchable in the community, and besides being isolated from his friends and nearest relatives, is unable to attend and offer prayers at the Bohra mosque. Even death does not release him from the taboo, for his body is not allowed to be buried at the community’s common burial ground…” Excommunication is not only unconstitutional but also unIslamic as there is no doctrinal provision for social boycott. In fact it was the unbelievers of Mecca who had declared social boycott of the Prophet and his family and companions. There is no concept of priesthood in Islam as priests are self-appointed. There is no coordinating authority as in the Christian Church. An individual with proper knowledge can perform all religious rituals. The Nathwani Committee Report also enlists many unnerving cases. However, the high priest was so influential that nothing happened to him even after the publication of the report. Top government leaders including prime ministers and other officials publicly patronise him and his family. No political leader, not even of the saffron variety, wants to touch him. In fact, to our great surprise, the Central Government has postponed examinations on his birth centenary next month. No other religious head has ever had such distinction. In the Conference, Tahir Mahmood, former Chairman of the National Commission for Minorities threw light on the problems reformers have to face. “It is no tea party,” he said. “Sir Syed, the founder of Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental (MAO) College to spread modern education among Muslims of India had to face terrible opposition and was described as ‘kafir’ by orthodox ulama.” Social reforms became necessary after the modernisation of the Indian society. However, the state acquired a legislative role to maintain social order. As a result, the state has a limited role in matters of social or religious reforms, particularly in a democratic setup. Even dictators find it difficult to bring about change. For instance, King Amanullah of Afghanistan in the 1930s and the Shah of Iran in 1979 lost their throne for ushering in reforms from above. The orthodox leadership sees social reform as a threat. They consider it to be a power takeover mechanism by the reformers and a bid to marginalise them. It is not only a question of ideological conviction but also of interests. If reforms become successful, Ram Mohan Roy and Sir Syed would lead the communities not the orthodox priesthood. Ram Mohan Roy and Sir Syed both went down in history as great leaders and visionaries whereas the orthodox priesthood was marginalised. Considered to be a threat, reformist Bohras are treated worse than pariahs. They cannot enter mosques, mausoleums and jamatkhanas of their own community. When the Supreme Court had struck down the Prevention of Excommunication Act, Justice Sinha, the then Chief Justice of India, had written in his dissenting judgment that social reformers will become social pariah if this Act is struck down. He was proved right. Mahmood said in his address that it is always persecuted minorities who bring about revolution and usher in new social values. He said: “You reformists today are a persecuted minority but it is you who will change the society for the better and liberate it from tyranny of priesthood. It is these priests who perpetuate exploitation in the name of religion.” Reformist Bohras have fought their battle strictly on the principle of non-violence, whereas the Bohra priesthood always resorted to violence. They think violence would frighten the reformists and silence them forever. However, violence made them more determined to fight. Reformist Bohras are following the way shown by Mahatma Gandhi who propounded and practiced doctrine of Satyagraha and Ahimsa. This movement has the distinction of participation in large numbers by women and their iron will to fight the tyranny of priesthood. It is these women who bore the brunt of violence. Their sacrifices are really inspiring for many of us. Moreover, reformists give great importance to communal harmony and inter-faith dialogue. Since its inception they have worked towards for inter-faith harmony. Of the many resolutions passed in the conference, one was against recent communal violence in the town of Sarada, in Udaipur, where the houses of 70 Muslim families were set on fire under the noses of the District Magistrate and the police. Another resolution was passed to demand the setting up of a Shi’ah Wakf Board so that interests of reformist Bohra properties and other Shi’ah properties also could be taken care of. More resolutions were passed on the recent corruption scandals such as the Commonwealth Games scam and the 2G scam, in which politicians and government officials have been involved. While condemning such instances the resolution urged on civil society to work more actively to combat corruption and to usher in clean and transparent governance. This was a historic conference especially because women showed great enthusiasm. They vowed to celebrate major Indian festivals like Deepawali, Eid and national festivals like the Republic Day and Independence Day, jointly with all other communities. They said “we celebrate diversity” and unity in diversity is our profound belief. Asghar Ali Engineer is Chairman, Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, Mumbai URL: http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamIslamicSociety_1.aspx?ArticleID=4178

Islamic Culture

24 Feb 2011, NewAgeIslam.Com

Pakistan's producers of culture: Labour of love alone
	In the more developed world, the contract between a producer and a broadcaster covers first airing rights only. If the broadcaster decides to run the programme again, or to sell it onwards, the original producer must be paid his dues. That is why successful series, say or, have made their creators rich for life. Every time an episode runs anywhere in the world, a portion of the earnings is meant to go to the copyright holders. By paying scant attention to these issues, Pakistan can be seen as forcing its producers of cultural products to go elsewhere, where contracts are fairer and laws enforceable. The sad reality is, unfortunately, that culture tends to be language-, area- and audience-specific. A film or television programme that relates to the Pakistani experience will be far less relevant to someone in another country, and entirely irrelevant to an audience that does not speak Urdu. (Though there is somewhat greater flexibility in music.)-- Hajrah Mumtaz

Pakistan's producers of culture: Labour of love alone

By Hajrah Mumtaz IN the early 1980s, some of Pakistan`s producers of culture came up with an idea a business proposition that was entirely fresh and new, and was to become an icon for virtually an entire generation of Pakistanis. Created and directed by Fareed Ahmed, financed by Parvez Rahim and released by EMI Pakistan, the Cassette Kahani series was bound to do well, and it did. Nothing of the sort had been undertaken in the country before, and while audio books were being released in other parts of the world, they were nothing like the Cassette Kahanis. These were not just narrations but audio adventures, with detailed sound effects and different voices for various characters that brought the story to life in the listeners` minds. Among the people who contributed to the series` conception and execution was the noted music director Arshad Mahmood, who also played some of the characters in the stories. The series was advertised on television and every child who had access to a cassette player wanted it. I`m sure many readers will remember the Cassette Kahani series with fondness and nostalgia. The success of the series was such that it ought to have financially supported the copyright holders for life. Like so much in Pakistan, however, things did not go according to plan. Just a few years into distribution, pirates attacked the ship. The tapes started being copied and widely sold on the piracy market, with the profits going into the pirates` pockets. The distributors tried to enforce their rights, trying measures such as stickers and special cassette jackets to distinguish the legal copies from the pirated. But all such measures can be replicated by the piracy industry — and given the amount of money to be gained; it really was rapidly turning into an industry. The then Ziaul Haq government was too busy in other things to involve itself in the enforcement of copyright laws or in cracking down on the pirates. And so, quite soon, the ship found itself in serious distress and the Cassette Kahanis were taken over. The market was flooded by the series but the overwhelming majority of the tapes were pirated and the creators earned virtually nothing. Unable to retain control over their property, the creators stopped production. By 1983, it was all over. Fareed Ahmed — unable to earn from, in cultural terms, the idea of the decade — decided to immigrate. Arshad Mahmood went on to great success but his work, as that of almost everybody who works in this industry, has in the subsequent decades been a favourite target of pirates. Meanwhile, the piracy industry flourished to such an extent that EMI Pakistan, a subsidiary of HMV, was forced to gradually scale down its investment and operations and, finally, sell off its vaults and pull out. The Cassette Kahanis could theoretically be re-released. But the holders of the copyrights know that there is no way they would be able to retain control over them. The piracy situation has only worsened over the past two decades. The only hope lies in taking them abroad for release. And even then, it is virtually certain that as soon as they were to become available, Pakistan`s markets would be flooded with illegal copies. Does such a situation not amount to forcing Pakistan`s cultural products into exile? The sad tale of this series continues to be replicated across the industry. Musicians and pop stars have had to take their work across to India and elsewhere to be released, due to Pakistan`s inability to shut down the piracy market.In many cases they have come under criticism here in Pakistan for such a decision, but really, what choice do they have? A few bands that tried to release their work under powerful local company labels found that even the contracts tended to be exploitative, with their rights over their work severely curtailed by the corporate giants. Much is said about Pakistan`s culture being under the shadow of that of the powerhouse to the east, and legislators speak frequently of their fears about young minds being `corrupted` by Indian influence. Yet how can Pakistani cultural products flourish or be exported without support from the state and enforcement of the law? Piracy is not the only nemesis of those who are the producers of cultural products in Pakistan. The television industry, for example, is characterised by contracts between private producers and powerful channels that amount to being exploitative. While the channels earn substantially from advertising, the private producers of the programmes aired have to work with little (negotiated) profit, endlessly delayed payments and in most cases, no rights over re-runs or the subsequent sale of the programme. Murder She Wrote Baywatch In the more developed world, the contract between a producer and a broadcaster covers first airing rights only. If the broadcaster decides to run the programme again, or to sell it onwards, the original producer must be paid his dues. That is why successful series, say or , have made their creators rich for life. Every time an episode runs anywhere in the world, a portion of the earnings is meant to go to the copyright holders. By paying scant attention to these issues, Pakistan can be seen as forcing its producers of cultural products to go elsewhere, where contracts are fairer and laws enforceable. The sad reality is, unfortunately, that culture tends to be language-, area- and audience-specific. A film or television programme that relates to the Pakistani experience will be far less relevant to someone in another country, and entirely irrelevant to an audience that does not speak Urdu. (Though there is somewhat greater flexibility in music.) For the producers of culture, the world is not open. Thus, they must continue to labour on with little recompense and virtually non-existent state support. The writer is a member of staff. hajrahmumtaz@gmail.com Source: The Dawn URL: http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamIslamicCulture_1.aspx?ArticleID=4180

The War within Islam

23 Feb 2011, NewAgeIslam.Com

	Fighting fanaticism in Pakistan
	The media has been lending almost tacit support to the currency of intolerance. The country, already battered by bloody terrorist onslaughts, is being further forced to fend off the fury and fanaticism of some hitherto apparently silent segments that have infiltrated into the most treasured security shields The shock, sorrow and anger that stormed the nation after Salmaan Taseer’s assassination brought home stark realities to highlight the unbridled intolerance, fanaticism and obsession that seem set to obliterate the slightest dissent from the obscurantist notions of faith, conduct and behaviour. The widespread condemnation, mourning, memorial messages, vigils, candle-lighting, processions and protest rallies to vent love, reverence, grief and concern were in perfect order. However, far more potent and concerted steps are needed to reorient the maverick mindset and the attitudes that have abysmally sunk into some circles to enable them to act as self-styled vigilantes, judges, jurists and executioners. -- Elf Habib

Fighting fanaticism in Pakistan

By Elf Habib The media has been lending almost tacit support to the currency of intolerance. The country, already battered by bloody terrorist onslaughts, is being further forced to fend off the fury and fanaticism of some hitherto apparently silent segments that have infiltrated into the most treasured security shields The shock, sorrow and anger that stormed the nation after Salmaan Taseer’s assassination brought home stark realities to highlight the unbridled intolerance, fanaticism and obsession that seem set to obliterate the slightest dissent from the obscurantist notions of faith, conduct and behaviour. The widespread condemnation, mourning, memorial messages, vigils, candle-lighting, processions and protest rallies to vent love, reverence, grief and concern were in perfect order. However, far more potent and concerted steps are needed to reorient the maverick mindset and the attitudes that have abysmally sunk into some circles to enable them to act as self-styled vigilantes, judges, jurists and executioners. Salmaan had committed no crime, but even if someone felt the contrary, the legal recourse for redress would have been the lawful option. Yet his assassin’s reported outburst where he touted a premeditated, brutal murder as a holy feat and the tumult and bravura sweeping his congenital hordes, reflects the dread and design of a fanatic minority to derail the development of a tolerant and pluralistic society. A fatwa, for instance, was flung against Sherry Rehman, merely for suggesting some changes to the blasphemy law. The Government and Political Parties, including some rather avowedly progressive ones like the ANP, have covered under the hysteric outburst of some skeletal yet supercharged bigoted breeds. The media has been lending almost tacit support to the currency of intolerance. The country, already battered by bloody terrorist onslaughts, is being further forced to fend off the fury and fanaticism of some hitherto apparently silent segments that have infiltrated into the most treasured security shields. The widening gory gyre thus creates new challenges not only for the government but for all democratic forces, rights activists, intellectuals and commoners espousing a tolerant, interactive, pluralistic, peaceful and stable polity devoted to its industrial, economic and social development. The Government, political parties and judiciary in established democratic polities provide the mainstay, shield and stimulus to the diversity of thought, belief and harmonious debate and dialogue, leading to a broader multicultural and multi-faith spectrum. No attitudes, phenomena, beliefs or institutions in any democratic polity are precluded from the ambit of query, question, debate, review, revision and improvement. The repeated dictatorships here, however, stifled this surge, interrupted the political process and drove deeper divisions and distrust into various parties and regions spawning several regional, ethnic and sectarian outfits. Even our principal parties are now forced to stitch some quite disparate and cantankerous coalitions and submit to silly compromises even with the most dogmatic lobbies, hence sacrificing the most rudimentary steps to stem intolerance or promote debate and dialogue. The judiciary is also stymied by several similar constraints. Yet the government can certainly improve intelligence, the security apparatus, training and monitoring. Qadri’s elite corps, evidently, was neither trained to sift and separate personal feelings from professional duties nor vetted for its emotional stability. The absence of an in situ reflex or rapid response from Qadri’s companions to thwart his attack was an even more glaring professional failure. Such security lapses in a country where more than half the federal and provincial revenues are spent on the security sector cannot be condoned. The security organs must strive to foster an essential professional ethos, extirpating the slightest propensity for fundamentalist notions and the cliques clamouring for vengeance against opponents, and must stop patronising the extremist factions. The other state organs, similarly, also have to cease appeasing intolerant thought or activities and work for the prevalence of an all-inclusive and all-enfolding sufi spirit and pluralism in line with thought and tradition in Islam. The existing legal recourse relating to the incitement of hatred and bigoted appeals to incriminate and annihilate individuals, apparently deemed to be deviant by some self righteous vigilantes, is faithfully implemented. The relevant rules required to mend the drawbacks must be explicitly formulated. The state can similarly initiate several effective steps to regulate the training and certification for various imams and preachers. This is actually an integral aspect of re-educating and re-orienting the mind, skill and outlook of our adult population and, evidently, also necessitates the revamping of the entire approach and mechanism of our religious instruction in schools and seminaries. Respect and tolerance for dissent, dialogue and pursuance, the poise and patience to pocket even the most provocative invectives or preferring a cool methodical legal procedure for redemption by curbing the instinctive impulse for instant vengeance have to be urged and imbibed at the earliest stages. This becomes unavoidable as the world rapidly shrinks to become an inevitable intermix of innumerable faiths, cultures, communities and ideas. The state can certainly lead and stimulate these endeavours to a large extent but combating the intolerant mindset is more of a collective social responsibility involving efforts by institutions and organisations devoted to impart formal and informal education, influence and outlook. This necessitates the revamping of the syllabi and the mode of formal and informal instruction. But indirect impact and inspiration from the media, movies, theatre and literature is even more crucial. European societies have made some resplendent efforts in taming the fury, fire and free flow of the blood that soaked the Reformation and French Revolution The reaction to Darwin’s iconoclastic theory and Marxist ideas was quite chaotic and contentious, yet it lacked those antecedents of violent, gory feuds. In the US, the state braced a protracted struggle to stem slavery and secession while visionaries, reformers, media and movie magnates orchestrated some really remarkable themes and crusades to transcend racial barriers and expose the futility of clinging to the bygone cotton culture. Now, even video games have joined the genre in tearing down totalitarian dogmatism. Even some African states have swamped the stranglehold of apartheid and racial superiority. Our media, unfortunately, has miserably failed in exposing the futility of the force and fanaticism for the imposition of any particular idea. It has never portrayed the ravages of morbid monolithic passions and has persistently spurned literature, movies and documentaries, historic evidence, debates and analyses illumining the instructive fate of the ideas that were once considered celestial and immutable. Accounts of societies swallowed by the schism and the strife riled by their stubborn insistence on the supremacy and enforcement of obscurantism are scrupulously ignored. So are the realities to realise the receding role and limitations of religion in the state and global affairs. The enthusiasts and proponents of liberal, logical and realistic thought have a far greater onus to disseminate a dispassionate understanding of the diversity of human thought, rites and the consequent need for tolerance and reconciliation. The writer is an academic and freelance columnist. He can be reached at habibpbu@yahoo.com Source: Daily times URL: http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamWarWithinIslam_1.aspx?ArticleID=4175