By Dr. John Andrew Morrow, New Age Islam
6 June 2024
I recently returned from a scholarly and spiritual pilgrimage to Iraq which was sponsored by both the Dalil and Hussainiyyah foundations. Soon after my arrival, and shortly after my two presentations at the First International Conference on Iraq’s Heritage and Antiquities on Sunday, November 27, 2018, I was placed in the gracious hands of ‘Allamah Sayyid Salih al-Hakim.
‘Allamah Sayyid Salih al-Hakim.
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For those who might be unfamiliar with his name, Sayyid Salih belongs to one of the prominent Twelver Shiite scholarly families. Direct descendants of the Prophet Muhammad through the line of Hasan al-Muthanna, they are closely related to the Idrisids, the Zaydi Shiites who ruled over Morocco from the seventh to the eight to the tenth century. With over fifty martyrs from the time of Saddam Husayn to the present, the Hakim family has shed both blood and ink in the defence of Islam.
Sayyid Salih was born in 1959. His father was Ayatullah Mahdi Baqir al-Hakim (1939-2009). His grandfather was Grand Ayatullah Muhsin al-Hakim (1889-1970), a pre-eminent Religious Author and Source of Emulation. His uncle is Grand Ayatullah Muhammad Sa‘id al-Hakim, the second most senior Shiite scholar in Iraq after Ayatullah ‘Ali al-Sistani.
Sayyid Salih al-Hakim commenced his seminary studies in 1976. Due to political and religious persecution, he was forced into exile, studying in both Damascus, Syria, and, finally, in Qum, Iran, where he studied from 1980 until 1990. He was then placed in charge of the religious affairs of the Shiite Muslims who resided in Scandinavian countries.
After the fall of Saddam Husayn’s regime, Sayyid Salih returned to Najaf, Iraq, to help rebuild the Office of Grand Ayatullah Sa‘id al-Hakim. Upon his instructions, he established the Kalima Centre for Dialogue and Cooperation in 2007, which is supervised by Ayatullah Riyadh al-Hakim, the oldest son of the Source of Emulation. Since then, Sayyid Salih al-Hakim has been a prominent figure in inter-religious dialogue in the Middle East and Western Europe.
When offered the option of joining a delegation of scholars from around the world to visit the major historical and archaeological sites in Iraq or being the guest of ‘Allamah al-Hakim, the choice was clear: the company of a scholar came first. I therefore had the honour and the privilege to spend a full six days with the Sayyid. We lived together We ate together. We travelled together. We attended an inter-religious conference together which featured representatives from all the faith communities in Iraq: Sabeans, Mandeans, Zoroastrians, Yezidis, Christians, Sunnis, and Shiites. We visited Imam ‘Ali and Imam Husayn together. We attended advanced lectures at the Najaf Seminary together. We prayed together. And we discussed, at length, together.
One of the issues that I addressed with Sayyid al-Salih was the most obvious one: the relative security and stability that reigned in the country. “With the election of Trump, US policy changed,” explained Sayyid al-Salih. “They stopped funding ISIS. The Turks followed suit and cut off their logistical support. With the collapse of ISIS, and the experience they had under their rule, Sunni leaders were forced to reconsider their position.”
The actual security situation stood in sharp contrast to the description portrayed by both the Western corporate media and the US State Department. “Why,” I asked the Sayyid, “does the Western world insist on lying about Iraq?” As the Sayyid explained, it was not only the West, but also Iran, that was intent on falsely representing the situation in Iraq:
The United States does not want a strong Iraq nor does Iran. Any strong and independent Arab or Muslim state is viewed as a threat to Israel. The Iranian government would like Iraq to remain a failed state. If it were a stable, prosperous, democratic, diverse, and pluralistic state, which respected human rights, Iraq would become a focal point and source of inspiration for other Arabs and Muslims. So long as Iraq remains a failed state, the Iranians can proclaim: “Look what you get for supporting the Americans! Look at what the West has to offer!” They wish to present themselves as the only alternative available to Muslims.
Since the role of Iran is intricately intertwined with the theory of Wilayat Al-Faqih, the rule of the jurist, I asked the Sayyid where he stood on the subject:
We do not accept the theory of Wilayat Al-Faqih. We are men of religion, not men of politics. The role of Muslim scholars is not to rule. The role of Muslim scholars is to advise rulers. That way, if and when politicians make mistakes, they bear the burden and the blame, and the image of Islam and religious scholars does not suffer. The situation in Iran is so bad when it comes to anti-clerical sentiments that many scholars, like myself, refuse to wear the turban when we travel there. As a result of the actions of the Iranian government, the majority of Iranians hate clerics. The turban has become a symbol of an oppressive system. Imam Khomeini himself did not want turbans in the government.
As far as we are concerned, the role of religious scholars is three-fold: 1) teaching and interpreting the religion; 2) providing charitable services; and 3) providing spiritual counselling to people. It is not our place to intervene politically. Our role is limited to general guidance. Our function is advisory. For example, although we refuse to rule politically, we, religious scholars, helped write the Iraqi Constitution, to ensure that it was in accord with Islamic principles.
I mentioned to Sayyid Salih al-Hakim that there were many Shiite Muslim scholars in the West who believed that anyone who rejected Wilayat Al-Faqih was as infidel. He responded as follows:
The scholars in question live in the West. They only visit Iran occasionally, for brief periods, and are always surrounded by supporters of Wilayat Al-Faqih. They are disconnected from reality. If they lived in Iran for any considerable length of time, they would flee the country and reject the theory of Wilayat Al-Faqih. Although we did not agree with Wilayat Al-Faqih, we were more reserved in our criticism during the time of Khomeini. He limited himself to offering guidance. Khamenei, however, is a dictator. He has turned Iran into a dictatorship. What is the point of having all those elected politicians if a single man has absolute control over the entire government and all of its branches?
Not only is the Shiite Seminary of Najaf opposed to Political Shiism, it is opposed to all other forms of Political Islam as well. As Sayyid Salih al-Hakim expressed,
We do not believe in Political Islam. We believe in Religious Islam. Muslims scholars should not run society nor should they run from society. They should be neither Islamists nor Sufis. They should live among the people, interact with the people, and gently guide them along the straight path of Islam. We do not force women to wear hijab in Iraq nor should we. We should inspire them to wear hijab. We are not like the Islamists in Iran who refuse to speak or sit with women who do not wear Hijab or who wear “bad hijab.” In Iraq, thanks to the influence of Muslim clerics, we have created a culture of hijab without recurring to compulsion. After all, “there is no compulsion in Islam” (2:256). Look what happened at the Zaydis. Originally, they were a school of thought. They focused so much on politics that they ended up being Hanafi in jurisprudence.
The Sayyid also voiced concern over Iranian government interference in the Qum Seminary:
It is imperative that the Hawzah or religious seminary remain independent from political authority. The Iranian government, however, wishes to control it. This is unacceptable. Over one thousand jurists in Qum have publicly voiced their opposition to such efforts.
Considering its opposition to Wilayat Al-Faqih, I wondered about the relations between the Najaf Seminary and the Iranians. According to the Sayyid, they were cordial:
Although we do not agree with Wilayat Al-Faqih, we are not the enemies of those believe in it. The Americans would like us to be anti-Iranian; however, the Religious Authorities refuse to adopt such a stance. Iran is a powerful country. It is good for Shiism. We wish to have good relations with both Iran and the United States. The Americans, however, tell us that “you are either with us or you are against us.” This we cannot accept.
Not only is the Najaf Seminary opposed to Wilayat Al-Faqih, they also object to Iran’s foreign policy. When asked about Iran’s foreign policy in the region, and whether it was viewed as constructive or destructive, the Sayyid had this to say:
The problem with Iran’s foreign policy is that it is imperialistic. They act like the Soviet Union that supported revolutionaries all around the world. What business does Iran have supporting militias in Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen? “Islam is peace,” I keep reminding the Iranians, “not war.” Iran should focus on building up its country first and foremost rather than meddling in the domestic affairs of sovereign nations and trying to topple governments.
The Turks have made the same mistake. Erdogan helped build up Turkey’s economy. He made it a prosperous and powerful nation. This was good and he should have stopped there. Then, however, he started to support ISIS in Syria. He had imperial ambitions. He wanted to start rebuilding the Ottoman Empire.
Iran’s policy in Iraq has also been imperialistic. They wanted to impose their will. They wanted us to be subservient to them. They acted as masters and expected us to act like slaves. The Iranians wanted to keep the Popular Militias under their control and create an equivalent of the Hizbullah in Iraq. This would have weakened the central government. Thanks to people like Muqtada al-Sadr, [a militant nationalist who believes in Iraq for Iraqis], the Iranians got the message. Now, the Iranians have changed their policy. Now, whatever the Iranians do in Iraq, they do such with respect.
Finally, I asked the Sayyid whether he believed that Iran’s attitude towards the United States was productive or counter-productive? The Sayyid was as honest, frank, and forthcoming as always:
“Why do you hate the United States so much?” I constantly ask Iranians officials. “They started it,” they reply. “The United States is the most powerful country in the world both economically and militarily,” I remind them. “If you come into conflict with them, you will surely lose. You should not pick fights that you cannot possibly win.” “Rather than antagonize the United States,” I tell them, “you should try to mend relations with them. You should seek to co-exist.”
During the six days that I spent with His Eminence, Ayatullah Sayyid Salih al-Hakim, it became evident that he embodied a large number of ethical qualities. Pious, polite, courteous, confident, learned, articulate, open-minded, and out-spoken, his social and diplomatic skills, when dealing with political and religious leaders from diverse backgrounds, was most impressive. More than a gregarious host, he treated me like his son for a week.
As I said to the Sayyid before I left for the airport, prior to his prolific prayers for me, and having me pass under the Qur’an: “By Allah! You have been like a father to me. May Allah give you the best of health and may Allah grant you the garden of Paradise.”
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Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article belong to the subject of the interview and do not necessarily reflect those of the author.
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Dr. John Andrew Morrow is Native North American a proud member of the Métis Nation. After taking his Shahadah at the age of 16, he became both an academic and a Muslim ‘Alim. He has authored over thirty peer-reviewed books and over one hundred scholarly articles. His most influential work to date is The Covenants of the Prophet Muhammad with the Christians of the World. His websites include www.covenantsoftheprophet.com and www.johnandrewmorrow.com. His videos and lectures can be found on The Covenants of the Prophet Channel on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCqM3-puvWuKuCEJsDQDZFrA . His Facebook accounts include @johnandrewmorrow and @covenantsoftheprophet. He can be followed on Twitter @drjamorrow. - See more at: http://newageislam.com/radical-islamism-and-jihad/islam-versus-anti-islam--simple-strategies-to-help-counter-isis-and-other-violent-extremists/d/111282#sthash.HUuuojXp.dpuf
URL: https://www.newageislam.com/interview/iraqi-geopolitics-sayyid-salih-al-hakim/d/132458
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7:45 AM
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